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AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A FIJIAN VILLAGE
Chapter 3: Life Cycle Events
by Sarah Ahart
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Ahart Table of Contents | Fiji Term Abroad |
On to Chapter 4...
- Chapter 3: Life Cycle Events
- Sevusevu
- Birth
- Firsts
- Marriage
- Death
- Reguregu (Tribute to the Dead)
- A Funeral
- Post-Burial Feasts: Namiti and the 100 Nights
- Tabu (Taboo)
Chapter 3
LIFE CYCLE EVENTS
Tradition and ceremony are very important aspects of Fijian life. Even today, as Fiji is slowly becoming more modern, important events of one's life are marked with a traditional ceremony. Symbolically, the steps that are marked are the beginnings and endings of stages of life. Many of the ceremonies to be mentioned are often performed only for the eldest child of the family. Only if a family can afford it will they celebrate every stage for each child.
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SEVUSEVU
Every Fijian ceremony is marked by the traditional sevusevu. In The Fijian Way of Life, Ravuvu defines a sevusevu as the "ceremonial offering of yaqona by the host to the guest, or the guest to his host and done in respect of recognition and acceptance of one another" (1983: 120). Historically, a sevusevu was presented only to chiefs or officials of high status. Today, the same is true, but a less formal offering of and partaking of yaqona are much more common.
Today, sevusevus are commonly offered when a visitor is entering a village for the first time, a request is made of a mataqali, village or chief, or when someone is leaving a village, among other similar circumstances. Typically, a sevusevu is held in the village hall or common area. The receivers of the sevusevu wait for the arrival of the presenter(s), taking their place in the circle. When the male presenters enter the hall, they say "dua, dua, dua." This statement is declaring "We come as one," as due literally means one. The women presenters follow the men into the house. They also make a statement in unison declaring "We come as one." The women say, "Mai na vakadua." Those participants who are already in the house, reply to both with "Oy dua!" translating as "Oh! One!" Generally, women do not take part in a sevusevu unless they are the guests or chief of honor. Village women are sometimes allowed in the room, but they sit behind the men and do not participate.
The participants of the sevusevu sit cross-legged in a circle. The tanoa, or wooden yaqona bowl, is on the inside edge of the circle, generally in front of a man of lower status. The chief or guest chief sits across from the tanoa. The sevusevu is performed by representatives of the presenter and the chief, or whomever is accepting. The presenter brings a bundle of yaqona roots with him and hands it to his representative. On his knees, the representative declares how generous it is of the chief to be accepting this sevusevu, explains his reasons for presenting and thanking everyone present. In return, the host will accept the yaqona and offer a sevusevu or yaqona (the drink) in return.
Yaqona (Piper methysticum) is a mildy narcotic plant of the pepper family that grows almost five feet in height. When presenting a sevusevu, the yaqona is usually presented in the entire root form. The fleshy parts of the roots are scraped, cleaned with water and dried in the sun. When dried, the pulp of the roots are "ground on a rough stone grinder, or pounded into a pulpy mess with a vutu (wooden or iron rod) in a tabili (hollowed piece of hardwood or iron made for the purpose)" (Ravuvu 1983: 41). Yaqona may also be presented in the powder form at a sevusevu, but this is less formal. Normally, one presents the roots and the yaqona used has already be pounded into the powder form.
Once the yaqona (root or powder) has been presented and accepted in the sevusevu, yaqona (drink) will be served. The yaqona is such an important part of a ceremony, because traditionally, yaqona is the door which opens communications to vu, or ancestral gods. Richard Katz, a scholar who spent a number of years in Fiji studying healing ceremonies and vu describes the exchange of yaqona: "Though it is offered by one human being and accepted by another, yaqona is actually being exchanged by the Vu who stand behind the human participants. The presentation and acceptance of yaqona is accompanied by special words, chants, and gestures, during which the atmosphere is profoundly quiet and reverent" (Katz 1993: 48). When these short speeches are finished, and often a prayer said, the man mixing the yaqona claps with cupped hands and announces that he will begin mixing. The yaqona powder provided by the accepting party of the sevusevu is mixed. The powder, generally in a cloth called a vulo, is held against the inside of the tanoa, the wooden bowl used specifically for yaqona. In some parts of Fiji, an i lobo, or strainer made of strips of bark, may be used in place of a vulo. Water is poured over the vulo or i lobo with a bilo, half of a dried coconut shell. As the water is being poured over the strainer, the mixer squeezes the strainer to allow the water to mix with the powder and the juice to be extracted. This is done until the chief is satisfied with the consistency. Each stage of the ceremony, from presenting the yaqona roots to the last person drinking, is announced "in a ritual fashion, and carefully delineated with signs of utmost respect, such as the cobo, a deep clapping of cupped hands, and low and deferential postures in front of elders" (Katz 1993: 50).
In a formal yaqona session, the yaqona is served in a specific order, offering to the chief first. After the chief, a representative of the chief drinks. That order continues serving those of high status first, a person is served followed by his representative. During less formal yaqona sessions or ceremonies, this may or may not observed. It is likely as the tanoa is emptied and refilled throughout the night, the ritualization and order are less important to those involved. It is during these less formal ceremonies that women may take part and consume the yaqona. These ceremonies may continue for hours or even all night long in the case of a "grog party." (Grog and kava are other common names for yaqona.) Because yaqona is mildly narcotic, there are physical side affects which become evident with frequent consumption of yaqona. Some people claim to "get drunk" from yaqona. Feelings of grogginess, sleepiness and slight numbness throughout the body may occur. It is thought that these feelings may occur during the more social ceremonies. While the vu is still recognized, according to Katz, in less formal ceremonies, the yaqona makes the connection between a person and a vu rather than causing "drunkenness." Respect to tradition and ancestors as well as the vu are expected during all ceremonies. According to Katz, even during informal drinking or social drinking, "abusing or insulting yaqona with intentionally disrespectful behavior is forbidden, especially in rural areas" (Katz 1993: 54). While there may be Fijians who do not believe in the idea of vu today, respectful behaviors are still expected and observed during yaqona ceremonies paying respect to the others present and more importantly tradition.
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BIRTH
At the birth of a child, the aunties (father's sisters) prepare for the homecoming of the child and its mother. Each auntie prepares a mat and they are piled for the baby to lay on when it returns from the hospital. Upon the homecoming of the baby and mother, the baby's vasu (mother's people) arrive in the house, each woman bearing a mat. The vasu and the aunties exchange one half of their mats. The remaining two halves are piled for the baby to lay on. A magiti (feast) is prepared for all of the family.
Customarily, a baby is not named at birth. A sevusevu is presented by the father of the baby to the elders of the mataqali. This is held on the third night after the birth for a boy and on the fourth night for a girl. The group of elders decide on an appropriate name for the baby. Following the rules of patrilineality, a "child is normally named after one of the members of its father's kin group, largely because this is an important way of tracing one's paternal kinship relationships and defining kin group membership based on one's male descendants" (Ravuvu 1983: 61). A male child is normally named after his paternal grandfather or his father. A female child is often named after either one of her paternal grandmothers. In a family with many children, one child is usually named after a maternal relative. In a case where the parents wish the child to have a name that is not family oriented, a tabua (whale's tooth) is presented along with the sevusevu to the elders. The tabua is also used as a gesture of appreciation to a person the baby is being named after.
A final ceremony relating to the presentation of the mats and magiti at birth and the sevusevu at the naming is the child's first bath. It is not uncommon to keep a newborn "in the house for a few days or even as long as one month" (Ravuvu 1983: 54). A tabua is hung over the public door of the house notifying any passers-by that the baby has not yet left the house. The day that the baby leaves the house for the first time is mutually agreed upon by the mother's side of the family as well as the father's side. On the set date, the family members arrive from their villages with mats and accompany the parents in carrying the baby to a nearby river. The baby is given its first bath. When taken out of the water, the baby is dressed in a "traditional costume" of tapa and carried back to the village. A feast is prepared by a joint effort of all women. A mat is presented to the baby as its own and the rest are exchanged between the mother's and father's side.
In The Fijian Way of Life (1983), Ravuvu discusses another important stage of a baby's first days. Another feast, usually four nights after birth, is formally presented to the baby's maternal grandparents and shared among the rest of the family. This feast is to mark the falling off of the umbilical cord. Once the umbilical cord has fallen off, "it is carefully kept for appropriate disposal which should be in such a way as to not adversely affect the future personality of the child, but instead should enable him to acquire specific skills and other advantages" (1983:55). Ravuvu notes that it is a common practice to bury the umbilical cord and plant a tree over it that will be useful to the village such as a coconut tree or a lemon tree (1983: 55). However, these beliefs are not practiced often today. Many women have a hospital accessible for their labor. As the medical practice is becoming more advanced, the umbilical cords are cut short and "just disposed of" when the rest falls off.
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FIRSTS
Beginnings or the first time of many things are marked in Fijian life. For instance, the first time an eldest child collects firewood is noted. When a child is three or four years old, he is taken to collect firewood with his mother or father. He is taught what wood to look for and collects a bundle small enough for him to carry. The bundle is then hung in the public room of his house at a point where the ceiling meets the wall. A small magiti is prepared for the members of the household and the wood the child collected will be used in the fire.
The first time the eldest child fishes is also a significant event, often saved for the day after his marriage. The day after the eldest child's marriage, or shortly thereafter, he is taken fishing in the sea for the first time. Large nets are prepared by his vasu. His vasu spend the day fishing with the eldest child while his father's family prepares a feast. When the fishing group returns to the village with their catch, it is cooked and enjoyed by his family.
A more significant "first" is the first time a child is presented to his mother's village. The first time anyone enters a village, a sevusevu must be presented by the visitor to the chief. This presentation, known as kua na mata ni gone, is much more significant than a visitor's sevusevu. Contributions are made from the parents to the mother's group. They may include tabua, mats, tapa, cloth and kerosene. These gifts are always reciprocated by the mother's group in the form of food and gifts for the baby. Ravuvu wrote "The functions of the ceremony include expressing the deep appreciation of the father's group for the fact that a woman had been provided to bear their kawa or progeny. It also cements the relationship between the groups, and provides the woman with an opportunity to return to her people to demonstrate her worth" (1983: 61). This presentation may occur at any time of the eldest child's life depending on proximity and the availability of the contributions that must be made.
Another significant "first" is a child's first birthday. This birthday is another event which calls for a magiti. Young mataqali children are invited to the home of the birthday child for a feast and party. Gifts such as small items of clothing are presented to the parents for the child. The feast is prepared by the parents, often with the assistance of the child's vasu.
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MARRIAGE
Traditionally, marriages were arranged, often between two mataqalis of separate villages. Tavale, or cross-cousins, were generally viewed as good marriage partners. If one was to marry their tavale, problems among the two families involved were lessened due to the familiarity of one another. However, arranged marriages are not common today. Most marriages are based on "love." Before the feelings of love and the desire to be married could be acted upon by the couple, their feelings must be shared with their families. If the parents were agreeable to the marriage, "the man's group would make a formal approach to the woman's group to request the marriage; for marriage was not just a union of two individuals, it was also the `marriage' of the two groups, who thereby became socially and economically related to one another" (Ravuvu 1983: 45). The ties were traditionally made between the two groups as an agreement of the marriage. While marriages are rarely arranged today, the ties or connections between the husband and wife are still formed with the marriage. These ties ensure the response of the husband upon request of his wife's family, and the wife's loyalty to her new mataqali.
Many families still adhere to the traditional marriage ceremony even if the marriage was not arranged. When a marriage has been decided upon, or agreed to, the men's family travels to the woman's village to formally propose to her family. A tabua is generally presented, representing the value of the bride-to-be and her family. A sevusevu is performed to present the proposal, tabua and often yaqona. The woman's family may, in return, host a small feast and accept the proposal. It is not the woman's consent that is sought after in this formal proposal, but the consent of her parents and family. In an arranged marriage, if a woman does not accept the proposal, she may be publicly harassed and embarrassed until she changes her mind. Ravuvu commented that, "this is done not necessarily because the girl's family supports the marriage, but because they feel it is their duty to make the girl agree. It is a disgrace to reject any formal group request, especially when a large amount of traditional wealth is presented as recognition of the honour and respect of the girl's group" (1983: 47).
Because marriages are generally not arranged anymore, many young adults "find themselves eloping or getting married without asking their parents' permission first." While most people do not follow the traditional ways of arranging marriages, there are certain traditional aspects of a marriage that must be recognized to maintain good social standings. For example, if a couple elopes, an apology must be made to the women's group from the men's group. The men's group must go to the village of the woman and apologize to her mataqali and to the elders and chief of the village for "stealing the woman." The men present a sevusevu to the men of the woman's village. Yaqona, ten to twenty drums of kerosene, and one or two tabua are presented as an apology. The men's group sincerely apologizes for the young man's misbehavior in taking the woman and ensuring the social and economic ties have still been formed. The men of the women's group accept the gifts and the apology and the yaqona is served. During the sevusevu, the women of the men's group "make arrangements with those (the women) of the woman's group to have a small marriage ceremony in the church." They arrange the time of the ceremony, usually as soon as possible. The presentations of mats and mosquito nets and other household accessories are usually prepared and given in the same manner as they would in a regular marriage ceremony.
The apology is necessary so that there are no ill feelings between the mataqalis and villages of the man and woman. Because a marriage constructs strong social and economic ties between those involved, ill feelings and "distrust" could result from an elopement. So many mataqalis and villages are often related on some level that something disrupting the harmony such as an elopement could cause damage to important social and economic relations including "land leases and things of that sort."
On the day of the wedding, the women of the men's group go to the woman's village to accompany her to her new village. There, she is dressed in traditional tapa costume by her own family while the groom is dressed similarly by his family. Christian weddings are performed in the church. Again, the men's group accompany the woman to the church for the ceremony. In the meantime, the rest of the family members are preparing a magiti for later in the day. Each family group provides butubutu, or alter mats. These mats and tapa cloths are laid before the alter during the ceremony and then given to the minister as an offering for performing the ceremony.
Following the church ceremony, a procession led by the newly wed couple proceeds to either the groom's parent's house, or to the new house given to the couple. It is not uncommon today for wealthier families to prepare a small house and either fully or partially furnish the home for the new couple. At the very least, two groups of davodavo (nuptial mats) are laid out by the kinswomen of each person. The davodavo usually
consist of finely woven and beautifully decorated ibe (mats) laid one on top of another and often covered with traditionally made bark cloth, masi, or with factory manufactured items such as bed sheets, quilts, blankets, pillows and mosquito nets. Each group of kinswomen quietly try to outdo each other by providing the best and the most davodavo for the veiwatini vou (newly-wed). In this vale ni vakamau (nuptial house) the traditional wedding costumes of the vakawati vou are removed from them and ceremonially received by their respective in-law group. [Ravuvu 1983:51]
Following this exchange, a magiti is presented by the husband's group to recognize all of the contributions made by the woman's group. The new couple eats together and are often presented with small gifts from co-workers, school mates or other friends.
When the feast is over and the guests have gone home or retired for the night, the new couple spends their first night together on their new nuptial mats. The marriage is expected to be consummated to determine whether or not the bride is a virgin. If she is a virgin, another feast will be presented to her family the following day. If the bride is not a virgin, "the knowledge will not be publicized and no feast will be given," according to a chiefly wife. Traditionally, the couple was granted four nights of confinement to consummate their marriage. This is generally not the way things are done today. However, after their confinement is over, one night or four nights, the couple is taken for a bathing ritual. They are escorted to the river or sea by women from the men's group. Some fish are caught during this bathing and those are used in the feast marking the end of the confinement period. If either the man or woman is the eldest child in their family, this may be their first time fishing.
It is easy to see how important marriages are in village life, arranged or not. There are strong ties and bonds formed between the two groups involved that will continue with each generation.
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DEATH
The death of a Fijian is often announced to those villages all over the country related to the deceased. The message is generally sent via a messenger who travels to all of the necessary villages or via telephone for those who have access. There are also times when the immediate family of the deceased will make the announcement over the radio, although this is happening less and less because the costs are high. Some families choose not to make an announcement at all because of economic factors or out of modesty. Those families do not worry that relatives will not find out about the death. They are confident that their relatives "will know, they will feel it within them, and they will come."
When a death is expected, preparations for the departure of life are made and the announcements are done in advance. When the time of death is near,
the departing person sometimes call spouse, children or any close kin to his deathbed and announces that his end is drawing near. He bids them farewell and sometimes advises them on what they should do after his death. He is bathed and dressed with most of his favourite clothes, and he is then laid on mats specially put out for him to lie on for his final departure. Messages are sent to all close relatives informing them that the person is malumalu (weak) and that he has already said his tatau (farewell and counsel). [Ravuvu 1983:63]
For obvious reasons, a different method is followed when there is a sudden or unexpected death. At the time of death, the family makes the decision whether or not to announce to death. As soon as possible, a sevusevu must be presented to the chief of the deceased's village by his immediate family to inform him of the loss of a villager. The family then must decide when to conduct the services which generally lasts for two days. The immediate relatives take charge of organizing the event while family members who live close by begin preparations and others join in when they arrive.
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REGUREGU (TRIBUTE TO THE DEAD)
The night before the funeral is an important night when the family members express their grief over their loss. Those of the deceased's village construct two "sheds." Both sheds are bamboo beams supported by metal rods connecting the beams. Sheets of metal are laid across the top of the sheds. The sheds are not placed next to each other, but are spaced out according to available land in the village. One shed is quite large and is used for the women to prepare the feast that follows the funeral. Because more than twenty women take part in the food preparations for possibly close to one hundred people, the shed must be large enough to accommodate those needs. The second shed may be approximately half of the size of the large shed. This is the "men's shed." Tabua, mats and yaqona are presented to the men of the village by the men of the visiting villages. The men remain under the shed until it is time for the funeral.
While the men are paying their respects to the village by means of sevusevu, the women pay their respects in the vale ni mate (house of the dead). The deceased person is kept "sleeping" in his house until the night before the funeral. He is then moved during the first reguregu. (There may be several reguregus from the time of death until the funeral depending on the arrival times of visiting relatives.)
A fifty-something woman in Drana village (a neighboring village of Rewasa) died suddenly of a heart attack on a Friday evening. Her sisters were away and could not be notified of the death until Saturday evening. The family decided not to announce her death as they knew their family would come when they felt the loss. Because of the late notification of her sisters, and not announcing the death to relatives, the death services did not begin until Sunday evening and her body was kept in her house. As the women relatives of nearby villages, as well as two representatives of her vasu [mother's people], entered the vale ni mate (her eldest brother's house) to pay their last respects, the crying began. As each woman entered the house, she bowed her head, put her hand (often clutching a handkerchief) to her face and sat on the floor facing the front of the room (opposite of the public door). A large pile of mats and masi consumed almost half of the room. The women sat facing the mats and the two vasu representatives sat opposite the women, on the edge of the mats. The soft crying and moaning continued for approximately ten or fifteen minutes. It was difficult to determine whether or not everyone was actually crying. It seemed as though some women were bowing their head to pay respect and no tears were shed. A woman made a soft announcement and almost instantaneously the women stopped crying and clapped softly with cupped hands several times. According to which side of the room they are closer to, the group parted in the middle and moved to either the left or right wall, making room for any others who may enter the room. Once situated, the women talked quietly with the others sitting near them. After another fifteen minutes, the deceased's three sisters and a very close cousin entered the house. They began crying as they approached the house and the sobbing increased dramatically as they entered and sat down towards the front of the group. Their grief was overwhelming as they "weep remorsefully and wail loudly with gesticulations, demonstrating their great grief and anguish." (Ravuvu 1983; 63) As the sisters continued their crying, the other women began softly crying again. It appeared to be the case that more women were crying now than before the sisters entered the room. This crying continued for approximately twenty minutes. The sisters stopped crying for a few minutes to catch their breath and move to the side of the room, leaving a path in the middle of the group. Once they began crying, repeating phrases and pounding the floor, some of the other women began to care for the sisters. Some women brought water to them, some whispered in their ears and another fanned them to cool them off. This continued for an hour.
Four or five men of the village brought mats into the house. These mats were the ones presented by the visiting villages in respect to the deceased. They were unrolled and placed on top of a pile of mats and masi already on the floor. There appeared to be approximately twenty-five mats or masi on the floor. This was to be the final resting place of the deceased before burial. The sobbing increased and became more hysterical as the mats were brought it. Soon after, eight men carried the coffin in with the deceased's body inside. The coffin was covered with a large masi. She was to "sleep here for her last night." From the time the men entered the house with the coffin until it was gently placed in the center of the mats, all crying ceased. The men placed the coffin down silently, folded the masi covering back one third of the length of the coffin, and left the house. As soon as the men were out of sight the crying resumed.
One by one, the sisters approached the coffin. Where the masi had been folded back, a glass panel covered the face of the deceased. Each sister (and the cousin) spent a few minutes softly crying and speaking through the glass panel to their lost sister. This was a very emotional time of the reguregu and most of the women softly cried for the pain the sisters were experiencing. Her cousin recalled that the pain was "very high. She (the deceased) was a wonderful woman. Everyone respected her for her patience and humbleness. Her husband left her with seven young children, she found a job and became a wonderful nurse and raised her children." The reguregu continued well into the night and the next day until the burial as new groups of relatives arrived. With each group,
These wailings and grieving continue until the dead is buried. They are broken only when respective individuals and groups of kinsmen and friends enter the vale ni mate to offer their reguregu and to pay their respects to the departed person. After every presentation of each group's reguregu, the howling, lamentation and wailing of the women close to the dead is resumed with renewed vigour as they are joined by other women of each reguregu party. [Ravuvu 1983:64]
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A FUNERAL
The funeral was scheduled for ten o'clock Monday morning, the morning after the reguregu. Women had gathered under the larger shed as early as the sunrise to begin the feast preparations. The men gathered under the smaller tent to continue drinking yaqona. Several groups were arriving that morning and reguregu presentations (including the men's presentations of the mats, yaqona, and tabua) took place all morning. Some even traveled as far as from New Zealand and Australia to pay their last respects.
The men of the local vasu of the deceased prepared the grave. A large area in the ground was dug out in her mataqali cemetery. Her grave would be the sixth in this cemetery which is located in the small village. These men remained in the cemetery for the entire day. They were hot and sweaty from working in the sun and not dressed appropriately for the men's yaqona sessions.
A service is held in conjunction with the funeral. Many times, the funeral service is partially held in the church and concluded at the gravesite. Drana village is very small and has no church. Thus, the service was held in the vale ni mate once the vasu was finished with their reguregu. A common ritual is that the "last people to pay tribute and respect are the members of the dead person's mother's group. They are the weka ni mate (maternal relatives of the dead), and they are expected to be the last to perform their reguregu. Once they have done their reguregu, the body is in their hands" and may be buried (Ravuvu 1983:64).
The vasu had to travel for several hours to reach Drana. Immediately upon their arrival, they entered the vale ni mate to perform their reguregu as the service and funeral could not begin until they were ready. After the vasu's reguregu was completed, the lali rang signifying the beginning of the service. Because there is no church in Drana, the entire service was held in the vale ni mate. Unfortunately, the house was not large enough to accommodate even half of the guests. A close relative of the deceased woman was obviously upset by this situation. She commented, "You'd think they would use some common sense and hold the service out here (the cemetery)."
The service was led by three ministers. There is often a common theme of a service preceding a funeral in an attempt to make some sense of the death. The ministers focused on her humbleness, patience and "jovial disposition." Her life and her death were compared to Princess Diana's life and death. Focusing on this common feature between the two who were suddenly gone seemed to soothe some of the negative feelings concerning her sudden death. Traditionally, "sudden death resulting from accident, sudden illness or other unexpected causes is often interpreted as the work of supernatural beings" (Ravuvu 1983:63). In this death, an unexpected "heart attack or something of the sort," nothing was blamed on supernatural beings, but interpreted by her cousin as "God's will; God determined that it was time to take this wonderful person from us." The belief that her death was god's will in addition to the parallels made between her life and Princess Diana's lessened the grief and provided a better feeling of serenity among the mourners.
The service lasted over one hour. During that tie, the people who could not fit into the vale ni mate slowly wandered to the gravesite to wait for the burial. Some of the male members of her vasu carried approximately ten mats to the grave. The mats were spread across the top of the grave and wooden stakes were driven into the ground around the edge of the mats, to hold them in place. Running across the opening of the grave, directly under the mats, were four, thick ropes. Each end of the ropes protruded four or five feet from two sides of the mats.
At the conclusion of the service, a small procession was led from the vale ni mate to the gravesite. At the sight of the procession, those who were not already as the burial grounds hurried to find a seat on the grass. The procession was led by six or eight children carrying bouquets and wreaths of flowers to be laid on the grave. Following the children, eight vasu men carried the coffin to the grave. They were followed by the three ministers and then the congregation of the service. Everyone stopped what they were doing to attend the burial with the exception of several men. "The important men," namely the chiefs who came to pay their respects, remained under the yaqona shed as a group, taking part in the vakatunaloa (literally meaning pavilion). The women and children sat on the ground in a rectangular grassy area facing the gravesite. The men were standing in various places around the inside of the cemetery. This may be due to the acceptance of women publicly displaying their emotions in such a ceremony when the men must remain more detached.
The coffin was still covered with masi. It was gently placed on top of the mats that were held into the ground by the wooden stakes. Other male members of the masi held onto the ropes that were supporting the mats. At the end of each rope was two or three men. Slowly, the stakes were taken out of the ground and the men lowered the ropes. The coffin was gently placed in the grave. Several vasu men jumped down into the grave to remove the ropes and to wrap the mats around the coffin. Once the men climbed out, one of the three ministers standing behind the grave led the group in a prayer. After the prayer, approximately twelve relatives of all ages threw a handful of dirt onto the coffin. As the minister continued to speak for a few more minutes, the deceased's youngest daughter quietly cried to herself. She and her two sisters, as well as the deceased's sister and her second husband, were all dressed in black. There did not appear to be any other pattern of dress among the people. All colors and styles of clothing were worn. Those who were affected most by the death were the only ones dressed in mourning attire.
When the minister finished his speech, he and the other two ministers walked away from the grave. Approximately twenty vasu men take turns with pitchforks and shovels filing in the grave. The dirt is piled at least two feet off of the ground. A woman placed another large masi on top of the mound of dirt and the children who led the procession arranged their flowers on top of the mound and along the bottom. When the children returned to their seats, the men replaced the wooden stakes that held the mats in place in a box formation around the mound holding the masi in place. A close cousin of the woman who died made a large salusalu (a lei of flowers, string and ribbon) to slightly drape from each stake to the next outlining the mound. These decorations will remain at the gravesite until removed by some force of nature or deterioration. Only when the mound of dirt is level with the ground will a cement marker be placed above the grave. Generally, this usually occurs after approximately one year.
The hanging of the salusalu marks the end of the burial. The women and children walked to the large shed where the food was ready for the feast. A group of women spent the morning washing vegetables, chopping meat and making curry and juices. In any Fijian death, "A funeral feast commonly known as burua is provided by the relatives of the departed for all those who came to offer reguregu. It is quite common to offer the burua soon after the dead is buried. In some instances the burua is executed much later when the relatives of the dead are prepared for it" (Ravuvu 1983:67). The food was provided by the relatives of the deceased. It was never discussed who should bring which items. Just as the family members could feel the death and knew to come to Drana, they also "just knew what to bring." Six slaughtered cows and two slaughtered pigs were on the ground near the large shed as a display of what was donated. If a family could not afford to donate a cow or pig, boxes of food were prepared. The families would fill a box with tinned fish, noodles, kasava, yams, vegetables, milk, etc.
The atmosphere of the feast was not the same as the atmosphere of the reguregu or the funeral. Many of the attending relatives had not seen each other in years. While the gathering was called for due to a death, the feast is time for renewing and rejoicing in the reunion of family members, and "by hugging, the relationship is renewed." This summarizes the importance Fijians place on marking beginnings and ends. The gathering celebrated the life of a family member (the end of that life) and the beginning of renewed family bonds.
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POST-BURIAL FEASTS: NAMITI AND THE 100 NIGHTS
In addition to the burua, other post-burial feasts are held by the family if it can be afforded. The namiti is the local name referring to the post-burial feasts leading to the One Hundred Nights Feast. These feasts begin on the fourth night after the death, vakabogiva, and continue on every tenth night after the death, vakabogitini. These feasts are "generally remembrance or mourning feasts in which mostly close relatives and friends of the dead partake" (Ravuvu 1983:67). The last of the post-burial feasts is the vakabogidrau, the feast on the hundredth night. According to a mother of four, families who cannot afford to have a feast every tenth night after the funeral, "will surely have a feast on the fiftieth night and the hundredth night." These feasts are important as they remind family members of their loss.
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TABU (TABOO)
Traditionally, a number of tabus were imposed during and after a person died or after his funeral. In some instances, those who handle the dead body must go through a ritualized cleaning known as vuluvulu before they touch their food and freely interact with others. In another tabu, one must handle his food with a fork or leaf, avoiding direct contact with his food. After dealing with a dead person, "to neutralize such contaminating effects, grave diggers in some circumstances, eat a special kind of fruit known as kura before washing themselves in a sea or river." In some areas of Fiji, it is believed that the scene of death must be occupied from anywhere from four days to one hundred days. This is done to deter the spirit of the deceased from returning the spot and killing again because his "death spot" is unoccupied. Those who occupy the death scene are known as bouta and are generally close friends or intimates of the deceased (Ravuvu 1983:65-66). Still, in some places today, no tabus are followed. Many people feel that the person's life was taken by god and there are no reasons "to fear" other spirits or bad intentions.
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