AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A FIJIAN COMMUNITY
by Erinn Gregg

Chapter 2
Social Structure and Organization in Drana

Chapter 2

Social Hierarchy and Kinship

   Table 1. Fijian Kin Terms in Drana

Life History Interviews

Social Organization in Drana

Religion

Social Hierarchy and Kinship

Each family in Fiji is arranged in a hierarchical manner where one person is considered the head of the family and others sit below. A family is organized into a tokatoka lineage which includes the immediate or extended family of aunts, uncles, and cousins. The family is combined with other families into a mataqali which is the patrilineal lineage. These include all relatives stemming from the male line and can be made up of more than one tokatoka. Finally the larger family, inclusive of more than one mataqali which are related through the male lineage, is called the yavusa. As defined by Ravuvu, the yavusa is "... a social unit of agnatically related members larger than the mataqali and the members of which claim the descendents from a common founding male ancestor" (1983: 123). A village may have more than one yavusa but this is not always the case. One mataqali may include a set of brothers and their families while another is composed of their cousin brothers, their cousins through the father's brother. Thus family lineage is passed down through the male lineage.

Within each village the position of chief or head of the family is attributed to the eldest male. He is the decision-maker of the family, and the family adheres strictly to his word. The arrangement of the houses in the village is generally such that the hierarchy of the family is evident. The chief's house is situated on top of a hill and/or raised from the ground to symbolize his status above the rest of the family. The brothers of the chief may then have their houses placed in descending order with the older brothers living closest to the chief and the younger ones living further away, perhaps down the hill. If there are female relatives living in the village, aunts or cousins, they will likewise have houses furthest away from the chief. The arrangement is set up as a sign of respect to the male elders of the family. In the village of Drana the house of the chief sits on top of the hill and additionally is raised from the ground to display his chiefly status to those who may enter the village. The next eldest male in the family lives closest to the house of the chief and is also situated on top of the hill. The other two brothers live in descending order with the youngest brother living at the bottom of the hill. A niece of the chief who is also a widow has the last house in the village at the bottom of the hill. The layout of the houses visibly shows the hierarchy within the family. A female can become chief if she is "from a chiefly family." This would occur if the father is chief of the village and the family has no sons. If the father has a younger brother with sons the title of chief will usually be handed down to them. But in the case that no sons are born the position of chief will be handed down to the eldest daughter of the chief.

Fijian hierarchy is through both patrilineal descent and primogeniture. The arrangement begins with the eldest male in the family. If there are two brothers in a family and the eldest is the chief, when he dies the second brother will take over the position of chief. The chiefly position will then be handed to the eldest male in the next generation. When he dies the title will descend from brother to brother until the youngest brother has passed. The position of chief now passes to the next generation, going to the eldest son of the eldest brother and so on. Thus the position of chief is handed down through each generation beginning with the eldest male of that particular age group. When a family member passes, the eldest male in the family inherits the family land in the village. In Fijian society this would most likely include any cane fields that the family may own as well as land leases and chiefly titles. While the shares of land would be divided equally among all brothers the title of chief would only be given to the eldest male. He would have jurisdiction over the village lands as well as decisions within the village. Female siblings within a family do not share in the inheritance of family wealth nor do they usually acquire the position of chief. They are assumed to reside with the family of their husband and thus he will acquire status and wealth through the patrilineal descent of his family.

In the village of Drana the position of chief has been handed down through the males in each generation for years. Recently the title of chief was handed down to Mikali Kasami Waquatabu after the death of his uncle, Malachai Waquatabu. Mikali's father was the elder brother and the chief of the village but after his death it was passed to his younger brother, Malachai. The position was given to Mikali rather than to Malachai's son because Mikali is the eldest male in his generation. From here the title will be passed down to the next eldest male. The chief has two brothers who live in the village as well as the son of the former chief, Apenisa Waquatabu. The title will continue to be handed down as it has been for many years through the male members of the mataqali in each generation.

Relationships in Fiji are based on foundations of respect. The level of respect accorded to the relationship is dependent on numerous factors but most often affected by the gender relation, the age of the people involved and the social distance that lies between the two people. In general, the respect given to males appears to be more strictly adhered to than the respect between females. Women tend to talk to their female relatives regardless of age or relation much more openly than they would with their male relatives. In addition to gender, age holds an important role in the way people relate to one another. People tend to hold a great deal of respect for their grandparents, and while they admit to having open relationships with both grandparents, they state that because grandparents are the eldest family members they are most respected. One woman in my village stated, "They are the beginning of the family, thus they are given the highest regard and treated in the most respectful manner." Finally it seems that the social distance between relatives affects the relationships that develop among them. People who relate with one another on a daily basis evidently have more open relationships than those who only see one another perhaps a few times a year. The more frequent the time they spend together the less influential the factor of respect. All factors considered, respect still continues to have an important role within the family structure and the relationships that form.

The greatest respect within a family is bestowed upon the grandparents of a family as they are the eldest members. In terms of address a grandfather is referred to as tukai and a grandmother bubu. The relationships with grandparents differ according to gender. Generally the relationship with the grandfather is more formal. One woman from Drana stated, "I respect my grandfather. He talks to me and I can talk to him but not jokingly like I can with my grandmother." Thus age and gender both play an important role in relationships established with grandparents.

The relationships that one establishes with parents also seems to be affected by gender. Daughters tend to have more open relationships with their mothers perhaps because of the "female bond." One woman in Drana expressed the closer relationship she has with her mother.

I am close to both parents but it is different. With my father I go home and talanoa (tell stories) and that is it. But with my mother she is always asking about whether I have a man or not and I tell her things about myself that I would not tell my father, more personal things.

Parents can be addressed in a casual way as nana for mother or tata for father. As a more expressive sign of respect, often in families where the father is the chief, the mother will be called nau and the father will be called ratu. In Drana the children of the chief call their parents by these titles while all other children in the village address their parents with nana or tata. Siblings often have a variety of terms with which they address one another, and this varies according to gender and age within the family. The eldest brother in a family will be referred to as tutua. This is a sign of respect for his elder male status among the siblings. It is appropriate for additional siblings to address one another with tinai, mother of, or tamai, father of, followed by the name of the eldest child. A woman in my village who has three children and the eldest one named Lolohea would thus be referred to as tinai Lolohea. Yet it should be noted that it is not uncommon for siblings to greet one another by first name, a reflection of their less formal relationship with each other. The impact of respect among siblings is affected by gender. Sisters tend to have more open relationships which include open talking and joking while brothers relate to one another in a more respectful manner. The hierarchical structure of the Fijian family plays out in the relationships between brothers with younger brothers showing a great deal of respect for older brothers. However, sisters and brothers often do not relate in such a comfortable fashion. They may not talk to one another, especially in cases where the brother is elder than the sister and in the case where the sister is elder than brother the relationship remains very formal, lacking any joking. One girl in Navutulevu told me about the sibling avoidance relationship which is traditionally practiced between male and female siblings in Fiji:

I am not supposed to talk to my elder brothers. We don't do that in our house as you can tell but if we did I would not be able to just walk out of the shower in my towel if my brother was in the kitchen. I would not be able to talk with him or eat with him. We would avoid each another.

While traditionally the avoidance relationship is practiced between male and female siblings it is not the case, as evident from the preceding quote, that all families continue the avoidance relationships. When the brothers marry the girls can talk to their brothers' wives but an elder brother cannot talk to his younger brother's wife out of respect. Girls can talk to their sisters' husbands because the sisters have a close relationship with one another. A man can talk to his brothers' wives but he can not talk to his sisters' husbands.

The relationships among in-laws are often similar to those that form between the siblings and parents and again are based in the notion of respect. A woman refers to her husband's father as momo and his mother as nei. She must show respect for her in-laws and can talk with the mother-in-law while she has almost no communication with the father-in-law. When they do interact the woman is expected to show a considerable amount of respect for her father-in-law. A woman refers to her husband's brothers as noqudaku and her husband's sisters as dauve. While she may have open relations with the female siblings of her husband, with the male siblings it will be less so. If the husband is the youngest in the family the wife cannot talk to the elder brothers. However, if he is not the youngest she will be able to talk to the younger brothers but not the older brothers. The husband's brother's wife is addressed as karuwa and the husband's sister's husband, noqutabu. A man refers to his wife's father as momo and his wife's mother as nei or in some cases nana. The relationship between them is also one of respect but the man tends to interact more openly with his father-in-law than his wife would with her husband's father. A man addresses both his wife's brother and his wife's sister as tavale. A man is generally not allowed to speak with his wife's siblings because traditionally the woman should not be talking to her brothers. Today there is more interaction between a man and his wife's siblings but there is still a level of respect which people tend to focus on in the relationship. A female informant in the village of Drana stated, "My husband, he will talk and joke with my sisters and he can do that but they sometimes get embarrassed and so do not like to talk with him." The relationship appears to reflect the respect that is associated with males in Fijian society. Males address their wife's sister's husband as karuwa and their wife's brother's wife as dauve. Thus the relationships between in-laws are focused on the interactions which occur between the siblings themselves and are then extended to the spouses of the respective siblings.

Those relationships extending out from parents to aunts, uncles and cousins are an important in Fijian society. As with all relationships discussed thus far, gender and age are key determinants of respect. In addition the descent of the relationship, whether patrilateral (extending to the father's side) or matrilateral (extending from the mother's side) affects the level of respect that is bestowed upon the relationship. A mother's sister and her female parallel cousins are referred to as nanalailai, for aunts younger than the mother, and nanalevu, for all aunts older than the mother. The relationship of a female with her mother's sisters is very similar to that with her own mother. One woman informed me, "I talk to my mother's sisters as if I were talking to my mother. We are very open with each other and joke in conversation." The relationship with a mother's brothers is completely different. One's mother's brothers and mother's male parallel cousins are referred to as momolailai, for uncles younger than the mother or if she is the oldest child, for the first male sibling, and momolevu for uncles older than the mother or older than the youngest male sibling. The relatives from the mother's side are referred to as vasu, and the relationship with a mother's brother is one of highest respect in Fijian culture. The belief is that the mother's brothers are most important. As one informant put it, "They say for us people in Ra the only people you must respect is your uncle, your mother's brother[s]. He is 'the one' to respect." They are the family members who will take care of the female siblings and their children if any need arises. One woman in Drana, a widow living in the village with her mother's brothers, stated, "We know that we can go to my mother's brothers for anything and they will help us. Likewise my children can go to my brothers and they must help them. If we need something and they do not have it they will have to look for it and get it for us." While men can talk to their uncles from the mother's side women have an avoidance relationship with uncles on the mother's side. They are forbidden to say the name of their uncle while in his presence and avoid talking with him unless necessary. In addition they will not drink out of the same kava bowl or eat anything that their uncle has eaten. The woman will go out of their way to avoid these uncles because if they meet in public they are not permitted to talk with one another. One female informant stated, "If I see my momolevu in town I cannot talk to him. If he speaks to me first I will talk to him but otherwise I will not approach him. When I have to tell him something I tell my tavale or I tell my nana and either one of them will give him the message." Thus while the relationship with the mother's brothers is quite supportive the highly respectful relationship makes it easier for the woman to avoid their uncles rather than find themselves in an uncomfortable situation.

The relationships with father's siblings and parallel cousins are treated differently than those from the mother. A fathers sisters are referred to as neilailai, for sisters younger than the father or the eldest sister or neilevu, for sisters older than the father or the oldest sister. With aunts on the father's side the relationship is still open but not as relaxed as with the mother's sisters. One informant told me, "You can talk to her but also you respect her. If she has a problem you can go to her, but some do and some don't." Thus according to the informant with whom I spoke it depends on the individual relationship whether or not one will be open with the aunts on their father's side. A father's brothers and his male parallel cousins are referred to as tatalevu, for brothers older than the father and tatalailai for brothers younger than the father. According to my informant, the relationship with uncles on the father's side is much more open then with those on the mother's side. "It is okay for me to talk with them and I do so just like I am talking to my father. I can ask them whatever and talk about anything with them."

The relationships which are easiest are therefore those between a mother's sisters and a father's brothers and sisters. Cousins relate to one another according to the established relationships among their parents. A father's sister's children or a mother's brother's children are referred to as tavale or cross cousin. The relationship that exists between them is one of respect in which the elder cousin can ask the younger cousin to do anything. "I asked her to come down here and do my washing because I have a backache." In this situation the younger tavale has no choice but to do what she has been asked. The tavale in the village of Drana joke with one another regularly. One woman was joking with her tavale because he was sick and asked for an aspirin. She turned to me and said, "Oh Sete came over to get an aspirin because he has a headache - maybe he just needs a kiss." The tavale seemed quite embarrassed by the comment but laughed along with his tavale at the comment. In another situation between two female tavale I witnessed one saying to the other, "She is going to ask you about your boyfriends...right? Isn't that what you are going to ask her. Tell her all about your boyfriends and your first love." They laugh and joke for quite some time before the one tells the other that I am not inquiring about love. The relationship between tavale is a joking relationship and in Fijian culture it is acceptable for these cousins to marry. Although while this tradition was practiced frequently in the past, it is less so today.

A different type of cousin relationship exists with one's mother's sister's children and a father's brother's children. It is much less formal because they are related through the same gender. "Parallel cousins of the same sex behave towards one another as brothers and sisters, and address one another as either tuakaqu (my senior brother or sister), [or tatua, for senior sister], or taciqu (my junior brother or sister)" (Ravuvu,1983: 6). The level of respect accorded to this relationship is similar to that between a brother and a sister. The younger cousins treat the elder cousins with respect listening to their requests and the older cousins watch over the younger cousins to prevent them from any danger. Upon marriage the relationship that exists between these cousins escalates to a more formal level. While it would be acceptable for a cousin sister to interact with her elder cousin brother at a young age they must restrain from speaking with one another as they get older and definitely after marriage. Similarly the younger female siblings may refrain after marriage from talking to their own brothers and will stop addressing them by name if they had done so in the past. Ravuvu states, "When approaching adulthood, the once free, playful, and intimate relationship of young childhood days is discouraged, and one is expected to act with decorum and respect for one's siblings of the opposite sex" (1983:7). In addition they will avoid using one another's names and will address them instead with the respectful terms.

The following table is a summary of he appropriate kin terms which should be used to address family members.

Table 1. Fijian Kin Terms in Drana

Life History Interviews

In a society where the respect for male elders is strongest women tend to find it easier to relate more openly to their female counterparts, most significantly their mothers. The focus on partilineage that Ravuvu states "...emphasizes the importance of the male," often adds to a feeling of ambivalence and perhaps lessens the bonds that a woman may have with her father. The focus on respect for fathers molds families into different roles with the father as the provider and protector and the mother as the nurturer and mentor.

For one woman in the village of Drana, the relationship with her mother was more intensified because her father was often out of the house working to support the family. She clearly valued the support and nurturance she received from her mother but was more distant from her father. She explains, "Mom has to feed us and look after us. Dad used to work away from home in Suva and Lautoka. So all along we stay mostly with mom in Drana and wherever she worked. And we were very close to mom." The dependence on the male of the family to support his wife and children while the woman remains at home to raise the children is a common idea in Fiji thus allowing for relationships to develop more easily between mothers and their children. I

Adding to this idea, this woman emphasizes the role that her mother played after the death of her husband. Her mother stood by her side the first time when she returned to her house months after his death. "Mom was asking me if I was ready to go back into the house and she stood by me as I went into the house." In addition her mother gave her strength as she tried to readjust to life without her husband. "My mom talked to me and she told me, 'You can't bring him back so what you do is you just come home and ask the good Lord to give you peace and strength and look after the kid." Here her mother continues to fulfill her role as a comforter and a friend, telling her to come home again and she will in care for her. Thus the role as a nurturer continues throughout life and even as a woman makes the transition into her own role as mother she continues to receive support from her own mother.

This particular woman also mentions the numerous ways her mother taught her focusing on the effect of a mother's guidance on her children.

She was a good mother, she was a good teacher, and a good friend. I love my mom because mostly when we were growing up she would tell me things about girls and how they are to be and what they are supposed to do. When I was starting to be a mother I knew that mom was right and what she said really helped me... She used to tell s to love one another because if you can't give anything you can give love.

The emphasis on the way her mother has taught her to fulfill her own role in society by teaching her the way girls are supposed to be is meaningful. Mothers in their role as educators to their children instruct them on their own role in the society and thus the network of relationships within people's individuals roles extends from one generation to the next.

Often mothers put aside personal aspirations in order to fulfill their role as nurturer to their children. One woman with two small children discusses her absence from her children in order to work:

We worked there [Australia]. It was quite exciting and we collected good money there... But I don't miss working because things are peaceful here. I want to be with my sons I love staying home and playing with them.

Again, she accepts her role as nurturer for the children. Thus by her presence with the children and her caring for them on a daily basis the relationships she has formed with them thus far are close.

The same woman discusses the closer relationship she has with her mother as opposed to the more respectful relationship that exists with her father because of the level of respect that is given to him; not only as the head of the household but also as the chief of the village: "My mom and I are very close and of course we should be because she is my mother. We work together and share jobs and are close together." Thus the roles these two women play as mothers and as women in a household strengthen the relationship which forms between them. With her father the relationship is more reserved because they have different roles within the society. In addition the position of the male head in the Fijian society structures the relationship with a strong focus on respect.

I am not as close with my father because we respect him. We can do anything we want to do with my mother but when my dad comes around we just keep still and whenever we want to do something we won't ask him directly but we will go to mom and she will go to dad.

Consequently the role as protector and provider of the family rather than what the children believe about the role of a mother affects the formation of the relationship with women and their parents. This woman suggests by her comment that it is assumed girls will be closer with their mothers rather than fathers. This implies that the roles of each individual within society shapes the relationships that exist.

The focus on the mother as a mentor to her children is also conveyed: "She tells me how to raise my children, how to teach them, how to respect my husband, not to poke my nose into other people's business." Here her mother is focusing on numerous roles which she should fulfill all within this network of relationships. She should be a good mother, a good wife and a good person to others. As a result of the relationship she has with her mother she accepts her roles in the society. Thus the guidance of her mother inspires her to look towards her mother for more advice and support then she would with her father.

For another young girl in the village the partilineal focus on the respect that should be given to fathers and more so to chiefs leaves her unsatisfied with other relationships outside the home. She talks about the impact of having a chiefly father on her relationships in school: "People will say, 'Hey is your father a chief?' But I will say to them, 'No, who told you that?' I don't want to be looked at differently. I hate that." It is clear that this woman is dissatisfied with the notion of respect that should be given to her father a result of the kinship system. Her relationship with her parents differs as a result as she looks towards her mother for her support. She describes a situation where she was dating a man in the village who was the lay pastor at the time and did not tell her father.

My mother - she knew - because I told her but she did not tell my father. He would ask my mother why I was always talking to the man but my mother did not say anything to him about the relationship. When the man got another girl pregnant and there was gossip in the village my father asked my mother again because by that time he knew with all the talking. He asked why she did not tell him in the first place and it was because I knew that he would not like it.

The closeness of the relationship between this mother and daughter stresses a few points about the structure of relationships in Fijian society. First, the mother and the daughter have a relationship which is based on support and trust. The girl can talk openly with her mother but cannot do so with her father. Even more, she will go out of her way to hide something from him rather than have him find out about it or simply tell him about the existing situation. In addition a woman will hide something from her husband for the happiness of her children, emphasizing the importance she places on the bond which she shares with her daughter. The restrictions which the father would place on his daughter thus lessen the closeness of relationship which is established.

The last woman who spoke about her relationship with her mother is an only child who currently lives in Drana as the lay pastor and is unmarried. The relationships which she has with her parents are surprisingly no different than the other woman even though she is an only child. She tells me about visiting her parents at her home:

With my father I have to talanoa (tell stories). We have to share. With my mother - my own identity. So when I go home my mother asks me, "Have you got one boyfriend in Rakiraki?" and I say no. But my dad does not talk to me about those things.

Here the closeness among the mother and the daughter is revealed again and the rather formal relationship which the women has with her father is emphasized. The fact that the relationship between the daughter and the father remains respectful even though she is his only child accentuates the fact that a father will have a more distant relationship with his daughter. In this case the man does not have any other children, yet the relationship is not any different. They speak about stories but they do not know each other per se. The woman says that her mother knows her "identity" in turn stating that while she talks with her father he really does not know who she is as an individual but only as her role as daughter in relation to his role as father.

Overall the relationships which form with women and their parents are forged on the basis of the kinship system which plays an important role in the lives of Fijian men and women. The respect that is bestowed upon male members of the family and in the case of these stories the fathers, lessens the closeness of the relationship between the daughter and her father. Due to the respect they are less open with one another and therefore they know one another on a more formal level in their roles rather than in an intimate way as people. On the other side the roles which women are taught from a young age as their position in society in turn results in a closeness between mothers and their daughters which is more intimate and supportive. The roles of men and women in the society shape the formation of relationships among family members.

Social Organization in Drana

While social structure refers to the way a group of people, in this case Fijians, visualize how things should be organized, by contrast the social organization refers to how things are actually organized in a particular village. This will vary according to village. The focus of this research was carried out in Drana village and due to the relatively small size of the village the organization will be notably different from that of a larger village. The informants were not certain about the exact size of Drana but were able to clearly define its boundaries. Drana includes a total of nine houses and the living space covers an area of space no larger than a football field. If one includes the surrounding sugar cane fields that are a part of Drana, the area is much larger.

Drana was founded somewhere in the eighteenth or nineteenth century when Fiji was in the hands of Great Britain. The village was claimed by Thomas Burnes prior to 1874. According to history passed down through the years, a hearing of Drana village took place on November 7, 1879 at 4:00 p.m. in Levuka. Those present included the governor and a Mr. Williamson, attorney general. The date of the hearing is evidence that the village has been established for quite some time.

The mataqali that currently lives in Drana was originally from the next village of Rewasa. A male informant told me,

After the old men traveled to this side of the mountain they were in Rewasa. The government of England brought in Indians to plant sugar cane but the men stayed in Rewasa. Then an Australian company comes into Fiji and starts sugar cane. So the old men in Rewasa, our relatives, came to plant sugar cane back in Drana. So the build a house and make small koro (village).

From there the village of Drana has apparently been handed down from generation to generation. Interestingly the village is home to only one mataqali, Vatuvula-Kasia. The additional mataqali that belongs to the yavusa, Naroka-Kasia, remains today in the village of Rewasa. While some gossip implies that a family dispute led to the settlement in Drana, the informants deny this. According to the chief of Drana the relationship between the mataqali members living in the separate villages is strong. "We partake in common fundraising and have good relations with one another." The yavusa, headed by Mikali, the chief in Drana, owns common land together which they all share and receive common money from the land leases. In addition the men and women from Drana interact with the Rewasa mataqali on a regular basis. Men from the village frequently go to the village to drink kava at night and women from the village are often around Drana in the afternoons simply drinking tea and talanoa (telling stories).

The mataqali which resides in Drana Village is Vatavula-Kasia. There are forty-two members of this mataqali who live in Drana while another fifteen or so are dispersed throughout Fiji in Vautukola, Suva and Nadi. This mataqali is part of a yavusa which includes four other mataqali which are settled in Rewasa. A male informant stated, "You can have five mataqali in one yavusa or you can have one mataqali be one yavusa. It is up to the law under the Fiji Native Commission and according to this it is up to the history and life of your old man." In general a yavusa tends to include a group of mataqali but according to the informant this too can vary according to family.

The makeup of Drana includes the men from the Waquatabu family and their wives who have left behind family and friends in their original villages as well as several of the sisters' children. Many of the women are from the areas surrounding the Ra District including Tavua just outside of Rakiraki. The distance for these women to travel is only a short bus or taxi ride. The woman who has traveled the furthest happens to be the wife of the village chief. She is from Bureiwai, the "interior" of Fiji. She must travel a distance of few hours when returning home. Women seem to come from the surrounding area and perhaps this could be related to the fact that many people consider Drana to be part of the "interior." The people are referred to it as "bushy," a generally derogative term.

The majority of the woman living in the village of Drana adhere to the Fijian practice of living with the husband's family but there are a few who do not. The chief's daughter lives in his house with her husband and their to children. After marriage she had left the village to live with her husband's family but unsatisfied with the situation she decided to return to Drana.

The lifestyle doesn't suit me because I like moving around and talking to everybody. I was with them for five years and I just came here last year when we came back from Australia because I like moving around and meeting friends. For them it is a bit difficult to move around and you have to stick at home and then do your job and it is quite boring.

Other women in the village jokingly say, "We tell her she is crazy for staying here." For the moment she remains content with the situation. There are two widows living in Drana who are related to the mataqali through their mother's family. The first is the daughter of the present chief's sister. The second woman's grandmother was sisters with the grandmother of the chief. While many women continue to live with their husband's family upon marriage there seems to be a small amount of change taking place. It is common for the women who are widows to be living here because this is their mother's lineage and in Fiji the family which one's mother descends from is considered extremely important. The men of Drana are the uncles from the mother's side and thus are required to watch over their nieces and provide for their needs. Women seem less required to move away from their families at marriage and although it is not the case in Drana there are also women today who live only with their husbands and children regardless of where their respective families are settled.

Although the adults in Drana appear to be well educated, the level of education has changed over time with children staying in school for longer periods of time today than there parents and older relatives. Four women out of six completed High School up to Form 3 while four men out of five completed High School up to Form 3. Today it is hard to make any conclusions about the trend in education because many of the children in Drana are quite young and are attending the local primary school. However those few who are older remain in school with one student focusing her interests in Computer Studies at the local school. Overall the younger generation appears more interested in continuing education outside of the Ra District.

Religion

Religion plays an important role in the lives of the Fijian people and for the entire village of Drana Village which is Methodist it is an intricate component of their daily lives. Prayer sessions are held daily at 5:45 a.m., 1:00 p.m. and 7:00 p.m. coinciding with the ringing of the lali (slit gong drum). At this time the family gathers within their individual homes in prayer for approximately fifteen minutes to ask for a good day or give thanks for the day that has passed. In addition to these intimate prayer services there are occasional church services throughout the week where the congregation gathers during the evening for a brief session of prayer. Once a month, generally on a Friday, the women of the village hold a day of continuous prayer. Each woman is assigned a one-hour time slot where they go to the church individually and sit in prayer. The entire church community gathers on Sundays, the day of prayer and rest. The three services are held at 6:00 a.m., 10:30 a.m. and 4:00 p.m.. The village encourages attendance but does not force any member of the community to attend the services. The time in between services is spent with the family, eating and resting until the next service. In addition to church services within the village it is not uncommon for members of the village to attend church services and meetings in the surrounding villages. Women can also be found reading their Bibles late in the evening before they go to sleep. For the Fijians, religion is what keeps them going. One informant told me, "I pray and ask for someone to watch over my family because that is the most important thing. And we are not the ones in charge...a greater power exists. We pray and keep religious because it makes us feel safe and protected. We come together under one God and we are one people."

The Fijian way of life has a long history that includes many traditions and stories. Over time while the structure of Fijian life is thought of as indestructible, the actual social organization of Fiji proves different. As years pass and times change, the ways of life in the past are remembered and learned but with time, not always adhered to. Regardless, the Fijians remain closely bound to the history of their past and the presence of their ancestors lives on within the villages.

On to Chapter 3...