AN OBSERVATION OF FIJIAN SOCIETY:
THE CONFLICT BETWEEN INDIVIDUALITY AND COMMUNALISM
by Apryle Pickering

Chapter 4
Life Cycle Rituals

Chapter 4

The Sevusevu

The Funeral Ceremonies

Tenth Night Ceremony

One Hundredth Night Ceremony

One Year Ceremony

The Sevusevu

A sevusevu is the most important part of any ritual and of special ceremonies. The sevusevu is actually the giving and receiving of gifts from one group or clan to another. Most of the time the gift includes yaqona and there may even be an exchange of such things as whale's teeth, cloth material, cows or fish. Most rituals involve sevusevu between the individual's mother's family and his or her father's family. It begins with the formation of a kava circle where the men of highest status are in front of the bowl and the others sit behind it. Then a man from one side of the exchange will begin his chant and speech by thanking people for attending the ceremony, the high chief and those with authority. This speech will then be received by a high status man from the other side (which at times can be the chief of the village, or his spokesman) and his chant will be very similar to the other in thanking the people for the gifts and then recognizing the authority of the head and his power. Both speeches, however, will end with a specific line "Mana, O dina, ama dua, dua, dua" or "It is true, we are one" emphasizing the importance to stay together as a whole and follow the authority of the leader and the ancestral spirits. When a speech has been given and received then a round of yaqona will be served by giving a bowl to the highest status man present then working the way down the hierarchy. The first bowl is always given to the chief if he is present and if he is not than it is given to the highest ranking person at the kava circle. This person will receive the bowl with a clap and while they are drinking the rest of the people will clap three times. The second person to drink is then the "herald" to the chief or a lower ranking representative. He receives the bowl with a clap as well and while he drinks the rest of the people clap twice. This pattern continues around the circle until all the people are finished drinking. Often times there may be a series of speeches given by various people all saying relatively the same thing and stressing the importance of the group and its authority, followed by various rounds of kava drinking . This ritual itself is one of the most important parts to Fijian society and to witness one just reemphasizes their power. A sevusevu, an important element in all rituals, frames any individual life event as occurring in the context of a group with a clearly defined and agreed upon hierarchy.

The Funeral Ceremonies

Since I had the opportunity to view many funerals, I will analyze the logic of Fijian life cycle rituals by focusing on funerals. In Fijian society the death of a person in the village is a tremendous occasion that requires much preparation and ceremonial activity. It begins with the bringing of the body into the village followed by the ceremony and a one-year mourning period. During that year after the person has passed away, however, there are also rituals that occur to mark the fourth, tenth, fiftieth, one hundredth and one-year mark after their death. I have in fact witnessed many of these rituals and will discuss in length the agenda of each that I have seen.

The funeral is one of the biggest occasions and the one with the most preparation and largest gathering. Most funeral rituals involve exchanges between the vasu (mother's people) and the mataqali of the deceased. This both shows that the two families care about the deceased person and helps to continue on the relationship between these two groups after the person dies through a series of exchanges. As well as reaffirming these relationships, the rituals help the survivors through their grief process through the huge mobilizing of support among kin and creates solidarity among the surviving families by bringing them together to share the grief. I attended a funeral for one of my father's cousins, Inoke Tucia, the second week that I was staying in the village and was able to witness the preparation and ceremonial activities. The mourning began as soon as people received word of the death. The family of the deceased gathered in the Bure Ni Mate (house of dead) or house of the deceased parents. In Inoke's case since his parents have both died it was only his sister and one cousin that occupied the house. Inoke was staying in Suva before he died so he did not have a house in the village. For ten nights after the death, Inoke's two sisters and one aunt resided in the house. They did not leave the house for any reason and their persistence showed their dedication to their brother and the extent of their mourning. On the first night the women from each mataqali from the deceased's yavusa entered the house to present the mats they had brought for the occasion and paid their respects to the family. The presentation of the mats included the laying out of the mats and the wailing of the women to show their distress. This lasted for about ten minutes, then the women drank a round of kava and left so that the women from another mataqali could enter. This concluded the first ceremony for the death of a family member.

The second gathering occurred the next night with the arrival of the body. The body arrived in a van with a minibus from Suva following which held all the people from Vitawa who were now working in Suva and the family from his mother's side that had arrived from Malake Island. It was then that the wife of the deceased arrived, and her family from Drana, a nearby village, came as well. When everyone had settled the women from the village (father's family) presented their mats and whales' teeth to the mother's family. This is known as the vakasobu. At this point the coffin was then taken into the house and laid in front of everyone on a pile of mats and tapa cloth, the body had been previously prepared in the morgue. The women inside the house began to cry and wail while the men immediately went to the shed for the ceremonial sevusevu. When the crying was finished the people then made their way into the shed that was built for the occasion and were seated for the sevusevu. When the sevusevu was finished and the people had presented their gifts and given thanks they then stayed to drink kava. This concluded the second ceremony of the event; the last occurred the following day with the actual funeral.

The funeral service began the next morning and the entire village attended. The service was held at the Methodist Church in the middle of the village and the people began to arrive for the first hour. The lali or (church drum) was beaten at a very slow pace to signal the starting of the service. The people then became quiet and watched as the minister, pastor and men from the mother's side entered with the coffin. Following the coffin were the children of the village with flowers and the wife with her family. The coffin was placed in the front of the church on a pile of mats and tapa cloth. The Tui Navitilevu and the Tui Navatu were also present and sitting in the front of the church as well. The service began with prayer and the singing of the choir. Then a representative from the father's family spoke to remember the one who had passed. He spoke of his mannerisms, his schooling and his marriage. He stated that Inoke was a very sly child but extremely polite. He told of his marriage to a women from Vanua Levu who had grown up in Drana village with her grandparents and how their marriage lasted twelve wonderful years before he died. When he was finished, a representative from the mother's family got up to speak and talked about his family heritage as well as his family members. Afterwards the choir continued to sing and the pastor gave his sermon. The service was concluded about two hours later and ended with dismissal of all the people and the bringing of the coffin to the grave site.

Six men carried the coffin up to the base of the mountain Ulu-Ni-Navatu that rests near the village. That is where all the people of the village are buried. The graves are separated by mataqali. Most of the people that attended the service made their way up the mountain along with the choir. When everyone had arrived the pastor spoke and the choir broke out in song. A prayer followed this and the women began to cry again to show their sorrow. Everyone then threw dirt onto the coffin which was wrapped in tapa cloth and the men then finished filling in the hole. The grave was then covered with rocks and tapa, and a vua tree was planted on top. These trees were to mark the different grave sites. The people all left then as the choir was singing and made their way back to the village.

The last ceremony or function of the funeral was the dressing of the wife in tapa cloth and material for the presentation of the tabua (whale's tooth) by her family to the family of her late husband to buy her freedom so that she can go back to her original village if she chose after ten days. This type of ceremony emphasizes the power and importance of the elders and the core of Fijian customs. The people then sat down to the feast that the father's family had prepared and talk about the times they shared with the deceased. When everything was finished, including the feast, the cows that were presented to the mother's family were then cut up and distributed among people who had brought mats and food to the funeral. This concluded the funeral ceremonies and marked the beginning of the mourning period for one year. Next I will discuss the functions and gatherings that follow the funeral marking the various important dates.

Tenth Night Ceremony

The first ritual that I attended was a ten-night ceremony for the wife of the Tui Navatu. She had passed away ten days before and they were holding a ceremony to commemorate her life and satisfy her spirits. As I stated before, it began with a sevusevu or giving of yaqona from the side of her husband to her father's family. Her family was also from Vitawa so the separation of clans was harder to follow. The first to speak was the Tui's Matanivanua or herald. He presented the yaqona on behalf of the chief to the wife's family and his speech consisted of the recognition of the higher powers of God and thanking those for attending. This was received by a high status family member from the deceased's father's side. When he was finished the minister who was also attending said a prayer. Next was the drinking of the first round serving to the chief's representative first because the Tui was not present and then the elders followed. When everyone had been served there was then a sevusevu given by the representative from the family of the deceased thanking the chief's clan for the previous gift of yaqona and for attending the ceremony. This was received by the Matanivanua and he in turn gave a vote of thanks. There were about two more exchanges of sevusevu followed by rounds of yaqona drinking than the Matanivanua announced that it was time for the women to prepare the feast. This is the case with all the ritual ceremonies; it is only the men that actually participate in the sevusevu while the women are busy cooking the feast. At this point the men just finished drinking the kava until the food was ready. Then, as in all rituals, they ate first and the women second. This ceremony was now considered to be over and the people were free to leave. This was a typical sevusevu with the various presentations of yaqona between the husband's side and the wife's side. These activities are meant to bring the village together and continue to mourn the person for an extended period of time showing the spiritual ancestors your devotion and caring.

One Hundredth Night Ceremony

The next ritual that I was able to witness was the one hundred-night ceremony. This is the marking of the one-hundredth night after an individual has passed away. It is a classic example of moving the survivors into their new social roles without the deceased: they go through a phase of being in mourning and then are moved out of that phase in the one hundred nights ceremony signaling that they are supposed to resume normal life without the deceased. I actually saw this at two different times and the methods of presentation were very different. This difference occurs when the method of mourning or tabu is selected. There are various methods of mourning, and I was able to see two different kinds. The first was a ceremony for a man named Rusiate Ravolaca; he is a cousin brother to my father, who is a member of yavusa Bua, and passed away about three months before the ceremony. This function was actually split into two parts with the first being the presentation from the mother's side to the father's side. It began with a presentation of gifts to the father's family by the mother's side (Yavusa Tobuniuca) and the next during the following day, which consists of the presentation to his mother's side by the father's side (Yavusa Bua). This is not the case with all one-hundredth night ceremonies, because the second one that I was able to attend only lasted one day. The ceremony Friday night was similar to the one that was previously described. It began with a sevusevu that was attended by the Tui Navatu, his Matanivanua and the men from the both the deceased's mother's and father's yavusa. The mother was originally from Vunitogoloa so there were many people present from that village as well. As I described before, the structure of the sevusevu is a kava circle with the Tui Navatu and the Matanivanua along with other high status men in the village sitting in the front while the others sit behind the bowl and the women sat outside the circle altogether. In these sevusevus the different mataqali of the village must come and donate their gifts separately. It began with a presentation and speech by the uncle (mother's brother) of the deceased representing his yavusa (Tobuniuca). This yavusa had brought material and kerosene drums. The Matanivanua in turn received these on behalf of the Tui, his clan and the village and he gave his speech to give a vote of thanks for all that had attended and for the gifts that had been presented. Next a cousin- brother to the deceased spoke to thank the people for participating as well and for their gifts. This speech was followed by the first uncle (mother's brother) who gave another speech to present the remaining yaqona that was brought and tell everyone that the Yavusa Bua, the clan of the deceased, has prepared the meal for tonight's festivities. This was received by the Matanivanua who thanked the Yavusa Bua for preparing the meal and their gift of yaqona. When all the speeches were finished and thanks were given to the different mataqali for their gifts the minister gave prayer and the rounds of kava drinking began. The serving of the kava was very formal due to the presence of the Tui and the emphasis on the unity of the village was stated again in various chants. Throughout these ceremonies the women were preparing the meal and when the sevusevu was finished all the guests sat down to eat. This is the conclusion of the first half of the mourning celebration.

The second half of the celebration for Rusiate Ravolaca occurred the following day and consisted of the presentation to the mother's family of the deceased by the father's family. This begins with the women of the Yavusa Bua (father's family) preparing the material to be presented. The material was then brought to the middle of the village where it was unraveled, tied together and carried by the women through he village to the shed of the sevusevu ritual and feast house. When all the women arrived with the material the family of the deceased (son, wife and daughter) followed while dressed in tapa cloth and material along with his sister who was dressed in all black (she was taking he place of the wife in wearing all black because she had to keep her job and could not wear it). They were seated at one end of the shed on mats while the high status men sat under the shed and formed the kava circle. The sevusevu then began with an elder from the deceased's mother's side announcing the occasion and recognizing the ancestral spirits and chief's authority. This was returned by an elder from the Yavusa Bua, (clan of the deceased), thanking the man for what he had said and to all for attending. Next was the prayer, given by the minister and the first round of kava drinking. After everyone had consumed their kava the sevusevu continued with the deceased's father's brother representing his father in presenting the material and kerosene that had been brought by the women along with a whale's tooth and yaqona. The elder man that began the sevusevu accepted the gifts and thanked everyone again. The sevusevu continued with various family members and mataqali presenting their gift of yaqona and the members of the mother's family accepting these gifts. At the end of the sevusevu the two dead cows were presented and it was announced that the meal had been prepared. At this point the family to the deceased removed their tapa cloth and material and walked to the other side of the shed where they were dressed by the mother's side in more tapa cloth and material. The sister of the deceased then proceeded to take of the black dress that she had been wearing for the last three months and put on a brightly colored dress as well as combing her hair for the first time since her brother's death. This officially marked the end of the mourning period and the presentation to the spirits.

The second one-hundredth night ceremony that I attended was actually very different because of the different method of mourning that the mother of the deceased had chosen. The individual that had passed away was actually Rusiate's mother, Atilaite Navuni. She died ten days after her son. Her mother's family chose to close off part of the river to fishing for one hundred days after her death as a method of mourning and a way to satisfy the spirits of her body. On this day the festivities began with a sevusevu as the other had and the announcement by the mother's family from Vunitogoloa that their fishing nets had arrived. When the sevusevu was finished and the announcement was received by the brother of her husband the fishing began to show the end of the official mourning period. The women from the mother's side began where the river meets the ocean and fished all the way down to the road. It lasted a couple of hours and when they were finished another sevusevu was held to present the fish and nets and some material that they brought to the husband's side (our yavusa). When it was finished tea was served to the women and the rest of the day was spent preparing for the nightly feast. When the feast was finished there was casual drinking of yaqona that lasted well into the night.

These are classic examples of a one-year ceremony and the presentation of the yaqona from one family to another. They are marked by the sevusevu and the different tabu that are chosen and each one represents the official end of the morning period. After one hundred nights the life of the family members resumes on as usual and the memory of the deceased is held until the next ceremony, which is one year after their death. This is the absolute last time that they will commemorate the life of someone and hold a feast in their name. I was also able to witness a one-year ceremony for the death of the daughter to my father's older brother, Kelera Nadave Dauniwaqalevu.

One Year Ceremony

Kelera who was more commonly known as "Nadave" was 21 years old when she died. She had been working in the Rakiraki Hotel with her mother a number of years before she was found dead in one of the rooms. The cause of her death was determined to be suicide; she overdosed on some pills. After doing some research around the village on the reasons for her to commit suicide I discovered that it was due to the dissatisfaction by the elders about her choice of a husband. She had been involved with a significantly older man in the village for quite a few years and when there was talk of marriage the elder women in the village placed great pressure on her to end the relationship. Apparently she could not accept this and chose to take her own life. Her one-year ceremony was actually held on Fiji Day so that all could attend. It began early in the morning with the preparing of the food. All the women in my family were at the house of her mother and father to help with the cooking while the men were at the grave site.

The preparing of the grave began with a sevusevu to satisfy her spirits and give a vote of thanks as well as the presentation of yaqona that was drank throughout the day's construction. This was completely expected because all special occasions or ceremonies are marked with a sevusevu and kava drinking in Fijian society. The men were preparing her grave by cementing over it and adding an elaborate grave marker. The people who could afford to decorate the graves and cement them during the one-year ceremony were fortunate, and it showed great respect for the deceased. Those that could not afford to do this just placed stones around the graves and decorated them with flowers. There were at least twenty-five men at the grave and there were lots of cement bags and barrels for mixing. The men at the grave consisted of the men in our mataqali as well as the boyfriend of the deceased and his friends and family. These men were working very hard but seemed to be having a good time while they were doing it. There were even a few men who were visiting for the occasion and had not seen the others in a while so they were constantly joking with each. First the men placed cement blocks around the grave, filling in all the cracks. Then they placed boards along the edges of the top to act as supports for the cement that they would pour in the middle. These boards were nailed to branches that were propped up along the sides. They would be removed in a few days when the cement dried. Before they poured the cement, however, the grave was filled in with dirt to make an even plain for the cement, and then the cement was poured. When the cement was drying they then placed a very elaborate grave stone marker in the middle at an angle. It was made of black stone and read:

When the grave was finished and the cement was dry the women went up to the grave site and place flowers and tapa cloth on top.

When the preparation of the grave is finished the men then return to the village for the feast. The women had brought all the food to a vacant house in the middle of the village where the meal would be held and the men proceeded to eat in shifts while the others remained outside drinking kava. This was the final feast that will be prepared in her name and when the meal and yaqona are finished the festivities will be over. This is a typical one-year ceremony in Fijian society. The preparation of the grave and the cooking of the feast are done to bring the family members together to remember the individual as well as recognizing the authority of the head of the group and the ancestral spirits.

These are all events that occur in Fijian society to mark the entrance into another stage of a person's life. They are celebrated by all family members emphasizing the importance of the bond between relatives and the sevusevu recognizes the power and authority of the leading figures. I have experienced these events first hand and realize just how important these rituals are to the village members.

On to Chapter 5...