WEAVING THE COMMUNITY:
AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A FIJIAN VILLAGE
by Stephanie Sienkiewicz

Chapter 4
Life Cycle Rituals:
Individuals Connect the Community

Chapter 4

The Sevusevu

Birth

The Twenty-First Birthday

Marriage

Death

The Wedding, An In-Depth Analysis of a Ritual

Following are descriptions of life cycle events in Fijian culture. An analysis of how a ritual moves a person from one stage in his/her life to another will be provided in a later section of this chapter entitled The Wedding: An In-Depth Analysis of a Ritual. This section will also discuss how a ritual impresses upon an individual that he/she has responsibilities to the community.

The Sevusevu

The sevusevu is a central aspect of every Fijian ceremony. Ravuvu, in The Fijian Way of Life, described this as, a "ceremonial offering of yaqona by the host to the guest, or the guest to his host and done in respect of recognition and acceptance of one another. (Ravuvu 1983:120). One informant described a sevusevu as a means of welcoming someone and/or introducing someone. She said too that if a person sees people drinking grog, he/she must go and buy grog in order to enter into that house and drink with its occupants. To enter into a house men must chant "Dua, dua, dua." Men inside the house call out, "Oh e dua" to let the men outside know that they may come inside. "Dua, dua, dua" means "The One, the one, the one." It refers to recognizing a common authority above the people who are performing the sevusevu. This authority may be God and/or the chief. "Oh e dua" means "Yes, one." This shows acceptance of the authority of the One. Women chant "Mai na vaka dua," meaning "Come like one," while outside and wait for the women inside to reply, "Oh e dua." When arriving for a sevusevu, Fijians must use these methods of asking for entry.

Men sit in a circle so that the guest can present the sevusevu to the host (or the host to the guest in return). Generally, women are barred from sevusevu during important mataqali ceremonies. This is not the case for less formal sevusevu or if the person being introduced to the community (for instance when I arrived in Narewa) is a woman. It is not uncommon to see a separate grog-drinking circle containing men of lesser rank and women apart from the main male-only circle.

The guest party elects a spokesman to speak during the sevusevu. When a newcomer enters a community, she/he has a spokesman who is already a member of that community speak on her/his behalf. The spokesman is usually the turaga ni mataqali, or head of the mataqali, on important ceremonial occasions. The spokesman for the guest or the mataqali describes to the host that, 'This is her/his sevusevu. She/he hopes that you accept it." He also explains other circumstances of the situation which necessitates the sevusevu. The receiving party usually replies, "Vinaka" throughout the speech. The sevusevu is given as a gift to the high chief of the village or community that is receiving the sevusevu. With this and further explanation as to why the sevusevu is being presented, the presenting party hands over yaqona (a bundle of roots or packets of powdered yaqona) to the spokesman for the receiving party. There are usually allusions to the 'vu' or ancestral spirits within the speeches as well as reference to the chief and 'all behind him' which means the spirits. The recipient takes the yaqona and makes a speech back to the presenting group. He does this explaining, 'We accept this sevusevu." He then expands upon the topics which the presenting group brought up in their speech. Again, the opposing party usually says, "Vinaka" throughout the speech. After this is finished, the speaker announces the end of the ceremony by saying, "Au Vura." "Edina" means "truly" and indicates the people present may start drinking the grog. The finale of the speech is the chant, "Ama dua...dua...dua." This means "one voice" and can be interpreted as, may no one ever question the chief's authority.

Seating arrangements during the sevusevu are very important. The chief should sit in the front of the room facing the tanoa, or kava bowl. Traditionally the chief would sit with his back to the most private part of the house, the furthest from the 'public door.' Brothers or other high ranking men of the mataqali sit near the chief, in front of the tanoa. The lower ranking people face the chief and high ranking men. The lowest ranking of the guests, sits closest to the door and furthest from the chief. Women often sit completely out of the circle for instance.

The following description of the seating arrangement at a sevusevu exemplifies the principles of seating according to rank. We presented a sevusevu to the Tui Navatu in Vitawa, the chief of Vitawa, Narewa and Naivuvuni, to ask for acceptance into these villages. We went to the chief's home. The high chief sat higher than the rest of the people in the room. He sat in a chair while the rest of us sat on mats on the floor. He was at the 'front' of the arrangement; this was really the side of the room. His 'talking chief,' the man who spoke on his behalf, sat next to him on the floor. Also on that side of the tanoa were two other men who were at the chief's house when we arrived. We, as guests, all sat behind our spokesman and then behind our male professor.

After the youngest male host in the room (usually) mixes the yaqona, drinking begins. The drinking order also indicates hierarchy. Guests are generally given the first bowl of kava. In one instance the guest who lived furthest away drank the first bowl. If a chief is present, he is usually given the first however, as did the Tui Navatu drink first at our sevusevu. Elders and those with the highest authority in the group drink first. If two different mataqali are present while drinking, a member of a higher ranking mataqali drinks first. This format indicates that contacts between individuals must occur as part of a ranked hierarchical community where the authority of the chief is recognized.

Birth

Life cycle rituals also emphasize the way an individual must exist in a defined place within a ranked community. For example, at birth, there are elaborate rituals which formally introduce a child to the community. The child may not leave the house until these ceremonies are performed and therefore is not considered a full person until he/she has been accorded a place in the community.

Methods of recognizing a child's birth are changing with time. The traditional method, the "really Fijian way," as my nana called it, is to enclose the newborn baby inside the house for three months. When a woman comes home from the hospital, she will stay with her child inside their house for three months. This information was provided by my nana. Ravuvu, in The Fijian Way of Life, said,

Once a child is born, and if it is the first child, it is customary in some areas to keep it in the house for a few days or even as long as one month. It is strictly forbidden for the gone vou (new-born child) to be taken outside of the house. This tabu is observed until the appropriate ceremony is effected, and this interval differs from one community to another. (Ravuvu 1983:55)

The child cannot leave the house during the three month period, according to my nana. The mother however, can leave to have her bath. She should remain in the house at all other times though. The baby cannot even leave to go to the bathroom:

In some localities, during the period of confinement when the newly-born child is bathed inside the house, its feces are kept in the house, and disposed of only after the ceremony of allowing the child to appear in public is executed. (Ravuvu 1983:58)

When the baby comes in the door for the first time, this one door of the house is shut. A tabua, or whale's tooth, is then hung up over this door. Masi forms a curtain in the house and around the baby. The purpose of this is to keep the baby from seeing the light. After the three months of confinement is over, a nei, an aunt, (or tata levu/lailai's daughter) comes and opens the door and masi curtain. She brings mats for this occasion. She also then gives the baby a bath.

More recently, Fijians follow a different procedure after bringing a new-born child home from the hospital. When the baby is born, but not home from the hospital yet, the father's mataqali and all of the mataqali in the village perform a sevusevu. The baby is brought home from the hospital. Four nights after the baby's birth, is the vakabogi va or na bogi va (this means the fourth night). On this occasion the family cooks food. All of the relations from the father's and mother's side come. These people bring gifts for the child and family. The mother's side of the family has to bring soap, mats and other goods; this is the baby's mother's mataqali or her father's mataqali. The father's side of the family should bring food, mats and soap. This gift giving is called roqoroqo; it means, "to offer gifts to a new born child - usually the first born" (Ravuvu 1983:120).

There is a yaqona ceremony, a sevusevu, to name the baby. The baby's grandfather, the father's father, says the name of the baby during the sevusevu on the bogi va. Names are kept in the family as children are named after their ancestors. This is so that family names never die. According to one informant, a couple has to ask their elders before naming a child. When a person dies, there may not always be a new baby to take the name. The family has to wait then, until a baby is born to take the name of that deceased relative:

The child is normally named after one of the members of its father's kin group, largely because this is an important way of tracing one's paternal kinship relationships and defining kin group membership based on one's male descendants. (Ravuvu 1983:61)

During the naming sevusevu, the baby's father's father says the name of the child. After doing this, the mother's father can drink his bowl of yaqona. The rest of the people involved in drinking can then have their bowls. After the yaqona ceremony, the guests eat their meal. These guests can take leftover food home, but the gifts for the baby and family remain with the family.

The baby's grandfather, the father's father, says the name that the child will carry for the rest of its life. This shows the hierarchy of Fijian culture since this important task is given to an elder. During the yaqona ceremony, the other grandfather, the mother's father, receives the first bowl. This indicates that the baby's relations through its mother are also important. The giving of gifts to the baby validates him/her as a person. The giving of gifts is a responsibility of every villager; when the baby receives gifts it is assumed that he/she will some day give them as a responsible community member should.

The Twenty-First Birthday

A person's twenty-first birthday is the next marked stage of the life cycle. A family has a ceremony for their son/daughter's twenty-first birthday. They send invitations to all the people around the same age as their child in the surrounding villages. For instance, my nana told me that for her daughter Nei's twenty-first birthday, she would send invitations to Vitawa, Naivuvuni, Vunitogoloa, and to her aunt's daughters, wherever they live. The family makes mats for the son/daughter to sit on. She/he wears masi and a salusalu (a necklace made of the flower sisi). Nei, momo, and other members of the father's family would attend. Nei's tata lailai in Nadi and her nei in Lautoka would have to come for the occasion. Women of the father's mataqali bring mats for the 21 year-old to sit upon. The guests also bring other gifts. For a girl they might bring clothes, pens, makeup or towels. For a boy they could bring shirts or aftershave.

The immediate family would hold the event at the community hall or they would build a shed/shelter of tarps, mats, and poles. The extended family comes in the morning to help with the cooking. The aunties prepare the table and also get the birthday child dressed in masi. This guest of honor has to stand at the door and wait for the other guests to arrive then. Guests will pile their presents for the man/woman on a table. At dinner, a person of the father's choosing makes a speech thanking the guests for coming. This person will also talk about the 21 year-old's life. The Talatala (reverend) will be present to say the masu (grace) before the meal. After eating, the father will speak. He will give his son/daughter a large wooden (or metal) key. All of the guests will have signed this key. This is the 'key of your life,' according to my nana. It symbolizes that he/she can now spend his/her life without his/her parents. She/he owns her/his own life then. He/she will give a speech thanking his/her father, thanking the guests for coming, and thanking his/her mother and father for raising him/her. After this part of the ceremony, the guests eat cake. They sit and drink grog and possibly dance then. There is no sevusevu unless someone very important such as the Tui attends. The 21 year-old opens her/his gifts the next day.

Marriage

One informant named Esei explained different kinds of weddings to me. He started by saying there used to be more arranged marriages. Now they only occur when a family only has one son and the other family only has one daughter. There is a four day procedure to make sure that this woman is still a virgin. The couple has to stay in a room together for four nights while he finds out if she is a virgin. The four night ordeal is called the rabo. Esei told me that one "can hardly find this in Fiji, but that it is very important for people who are marrying their daughter to an important family. If the husband finds out that she is still a virgin then that makes both families happy and they can go ahead with the wedding. If he finds out that she is not, he can reject her."

The result of the rabo is revealed at a double feast which people bring food to. The potential husband's family buys a pig and cooks it in the lovo, the earth oven. The man tells his family the result of the four nights but her family does not know until they see the pig at the feast. If the family shows the head of the pig to the potential bride's father, it is a signal that she is still a virgin. If she is not then they cut the head of the pig off. Her father sees the back part of the pig where they have cut out a hole to signal that she is not a virgin. If this is the case, the husband and his family must decide if they will still 'take her' or not. They still show the pig however, even if the man decides he will marry her. If he will still marry her, her family has to present the feast to thank the family for their favorable decision. Then the couple may be married.

To be married the man's family has to go to the woman's family on his behalf. He cannot go himself. Members of his mataqali go for him. The duguci (pronounced doongoothi) is the process of asking for a woman's consent to marry a man. A tabua is presented along with yaqona to the wife's family.

A second type of marriage is what Esei called common marriage. The man brings the woman to his house in the night and her family may not know where she has gone. If someone from his family sees them being close or intimate, then they force the couple to decide if they are going to start a family or not. If the answer is yes, his family should find a way as quick as possible to tell her family where she is. Sometimes, according to Esei, her family goes to the police since they do not know where she is. His family has to apologize for their family member's actions and demonstrate to the community that the two have been going together. They ask for forgiveness with a kava ceremony called the bulubulu. The family then requests that the woman's family let her stay with the husband's family for good; they do this with a tabua, yaqona, mats, and usually drums of kerosene. If the answer is affirmative, she may stay with him and their mataqali have to arrange for a wedding.

Esei called this method of marriage "the stupid way" when it meant that the couple left town or failed to notify their families of their location right away. He also told me that there will be no police record recorded if a brother of a woman beats up the man who wants to be the woman/sister's husband for just taking her. He must bring her back to his family rather than somewhere else. That is where they will both be safe. Her family has to follow the proper procedures when they come to his house and can't act irrationally.

Another section of this chapter entitled The Wedding, An In-Depth Analysis of a Ritual, will explain the ritual of the church service and tevutevu (gift exchange) of a wedding ceremony. When two people are to get married, the soon to be bride's nana and tata call a mataqali meeting. It is the mataqali's responsibility to get things to furnish the new couple's living quarters. The wife's family carries mats, for example, to the husband's house and in exchange, the husband's family's home forever remains open to the wife's family. The church service and tevutevu of the marriage usually happen after people are already married by 'common marriage.'

Death

Ravuvu described Fijians' preparation for death:

Knowing that the hour of dissolution is approaching, the departing person sometimes calls spouse, children or any close kin to his deathbed and announces that his end is drawing near. He bids them farewell and sometimes advises them on what they should do after his death. He is bathed and dressed with most of his favorite clothes, and he is then laid on mats specially put out for him to lie on for his final departure. (Ravuvu 1983: 63)

After a person has died, his/her family gathers and sits and talks. Naicenu means to stop breathing. On the day of the naicenu, the family must kill one cow and share this with the village. The family sends sevusevu out to inform relatives of the death. The next day, people will come to the village. The family needs to have another two cows in the kitchen in preparation for these arrivals then. Two days after this, three days after death, the deceased is buried. On this day another three or four cows must be killed. The deceased's patriline, or mataqali, will give two cows to the deceased's vasu, or mother's family, since it is the duty of the vasu to bury the dead. The vasu must in turn give one or two cows back to the father's side of the family (or the mataqali a woman has married into). This takes place after the funeral. The mataqali must prepare a funeral feast of two cows. These are different cows than those given to the vasu. One of the cows killed by the mataqali is for all who came to the funeral; they will share and take home this meat. The other of these cows is for the tevutevu of the funeral. This is only for women therefore, since only women participate in the tevutevu. If a man and woman each go to a funeral, they will each bring home some of a cow. The man will receive some from the portion that goes to all the guests and the woman will take some home because she contributed to the tevutevu.

I attended a funeral in Vitawa with my family. This man was my tata's cousin-brother. The deceased's grandfather and my tata's nana were brother and sister. My nana brought one mat to give to the tevutevu. My tata brought one tabua, one carton of tinned fish, and yaqona. The family received beef and one mat to take home. They explained that this is called nolunirevo; this means to bring meat or fish and receive a mat in exchange.

The day before that funeral began, we went to Vitawa. When we arrived, the men and women in our group split up. The women entered the vale ni mate, the house of the dead (Ravuvu 1983:64). The men went to a building next door. This was a shelter made of bamboo poles and corrugated metal. We women went into the home of the deceased's sister. Vitawa was the deceased man's father's village but he was living in Suva at the time of his death. We would have gone to this man's home had he lived in the village. We came to this house to offer the reguregu, the tribute to the dead (Ravuvu 1983: 64). We brought mats with us. When we approached the house, the women called, "Mai na vaka dua," in unison. The women inside the house then replied with "Oh e dua" We went inside the house then, carrying the mats. The women inside were crying as we went in. We knelt down to move across the floor and then sat near the entrance. My nana moved up to the front of the row of women and got out her handkerchief. The women were making high pitched crying sounds. After approximately ten minutes of this crying, some women clapped and the sounds stopped. The women then moved around in the front room of the house, arranging themselves against the walls. They also spread the mats they had brought out on the floor. There were already many different mats spread over the whole floor and over the bed in the middle of the back wall. The women passed out bowls of yaqona. Ravuvu describes the scene inside the house:

The wailing from inside the vale ni mate was much louder on the day of the funeral. This occurred while the mother's side of the family offered their reguregu (tribute to the dead)... [T]he weka ni mate (maternal relatives of the dead)... are expected to be the last to perform their reguregu. Once they have done their reguregu, the body is in their hands. It is they who are going to wrap the body or place it in a casket for the burial ceremony. They are also the grave diggers and pall bearers; and they are the people who finally bury their vasu (son or daughter of a woman of their own group) after the last rites have been conducted by the Church minister of the departed's religious denomination. (Ravuvu 1983:64)

Usually four older women are supposed to stay in the house for four nights. They will take their meals, baths and rest there. On the vaka bogitini, the tenth night from the day that a person died, there will be a yaqona ceremony and feast in memory of the deceased. This also marks the exit of the women from the vale ni mate.

The bogi lima sagavula is the 50 nights. Not all mataqali observe this ritual. Most do however. This is another yaqona ceremony and feast to remember the dead person.

The bogi drau is the 100 nights ceremony. When the person died 100 nights before, certain family members vowed not to eat the food which comprised the deceased's last meal for 100 nights. These people may observe other tabu as well. The could wear a black ribbon or refrain from cutting their hair or shaving for 100 nights. On the bogi drau, there is a sevusevu to observe the end of all of these tabu. At this ceremony, people will take their ribbons off , cut, shave and feast on what they could not eat .

The church service on the day of the funeral was held after the women left the vale ni mate and the men left the shelter under which they were drinking grog. During the choir practice, before the funeral started, a man beat the lali (drum calling church) once every minute or so. This was done until the body entered the church. Some people, when they entered, proceeded to the front of the church and laid down mats. There was already a table in front of this area with mats on it. These mats were presented by the mother's side of the family, the vasu. It was with those mats that the coffin was carried out of the church. The coffin was covered with a red velvety material. There was masu or tapa, bark cloth with dyed patterns stamped onto it, draped over the coffin. After the church was filled, the pallbearers entered the church with the coffin. These were uncles and one brother. After the coffin procession people with flowers poured in. Many children were the first in this line of people; adults followed. They all sat on the floor area behind the coffin. They placed the flowers on top of the coffin. The wife of the deceased, dressed all in black, entered the church at this time. She and another woman with her sat right next to the coffin. Chiefs sat behind the pulpit at the far end of the church.

The choir stood to begin the ceremony. The reverend was also standing, as were some of the audience members. When the choir finished, the reverend opened with a prayer followed by a communal "Amen." There were hymns and intermittent prayers throughout the service. One man spoke on behalf of the Tui Navatu. He described the dead. He first thanked people for coming to the funeral in Vitawa. These included relatives and the Tui Navitilevu. He mentioned all of the villages in Rakiraki including Malake Island, where the vasu was from. He also thanked Drana, where the wife was from, and all that came from Lautoka and Suva. The name of the deceased was Inoke Nasikele. His mataqali was Naikoro. His yavusa was Naisogoliku. He was born on April 20, 1963, making him 36 years old at the time of his death. He had six siblings, three sisters and three brothers. He was the third child; both of his parents were already deceased. As a child he was sly, as he continued to be while he was single. He was also polite though. The speaker told the audience that the deceased was married at age 27. His wife was from Vanua Levu but grew up in Drana, where her grandmother lived. He was married only 12 years at his death. All of this was included in the man's speech. A second speaker also talked at length. One of the things he described was the dead man's last moment. He was having his family prayer. He asked his wife to pray and then fell and died.

This is one example of a funeral service and death ceremonies in a Fijian village. While outside the vale ni mate (house of the dead) on the day of the funeral, a woman told me that "Death brings us together." She was in part referring to the distances people traveled to attend the service. She was also referring to the constructive function which funerals have in Fijian society. They bring people together but also foster the exchange of goods. The exchange of goods defines good relations to Fijians, thus cementing the strong family relations that Fijians feel they have with one another.

The Wedding, An In-Depth Analysis of a Ritual

A wedding has many of the same elements and themes of other life cycle rituals in Fijian society. All of these rituals concentrate on an individuals relation to the whole community. As people go through rites of passage, the ritual impresses upon them and the community that they are entering a new stage of life. The rituals separate individuals out of the community for that day or period of time to make the impression that he/she is leaving their former social role. Once removed from their past role, an introduction ceremony reincorporates the person back into society, in a new role.

Fijian rituals emphasize that people are embedded in the community. They are closely bound with the community from one stage to the next as mataqali members and fellow villagers are called to each important event of a person's life. The wedding specifically demonstrates that a man and woman are leaving their former places in society and moving onto a new joint role. The specifics of the ceremony show too that Fijians see this new role as an extension of the community rather than primarily an individual change of life. The event is an occasion of giving and sharing. And these are the practices which a Fijian must use when dealing with her/his community.

I attended a wedding with my family in Nadi, the Tevuvu Ki Waimilika (Seriwaia). Seriwaia was the bride. She is the daughter of Tata Lailai, my tata's younger brother. Waimilika is the village in which Tata Lailai lives outside of Nadi. Seriwaia married a man named Jone Ramasiloa Jr. of Vutua Levu (also near Nadi).

The following is an excerpt from my fieldnotes; it is a summary of the day's events:

When we arrived at Tata Lailai's house in Waimilika, women served tea and bread and then cleaned up while other women piled up gifts for the wedding. Most of the men sat away from the women. They had a sevusevu and started drinking yaqona. Other men were preparing the lovo (earth oven) and the grounds, cutting banana tree leaves, etc. After talking through the morning and doing other jobs, women prepared and served the lunch. We ate lunch and then got ready to go the wedding.

We rode to the groom's family's house in Vutua Levu. We got off the bus and sat on the mats in front of the house. The women arranged the gifts. There was singing and various presentations. The men separated from the women and joined the men of the groom's family to drink grog. The women from the two families remained separated the whole time we were in Vutua Levu. We later walked to the church for the service. A man representing the groom's family invited us to eat. After leaving on the bus back to Tata Lailai's house, we had tea and bread there and then embarked back to Narewa.

A ritual is a rite of passage. It moves an individual or individuals from one social group to another. In this example of the wedding, the bride was moved from a member of her father's family to a member of her husband's family. She is also now a married woman. Thus, she has a different role with different requirements in relation to her community than she did before and goes from being a single girl to being a wife.

One instance of sending the message to the bride/groom and to the community surrounding them that these people are entering a new phase of their life was the church service of the wedding. After the bride arrived at the groom's house where his and her families were waiting, a procession went to the nearby church.

The church had tin walls and a tin roof; there were mats on the floor. People took off their shoes as they entered. Everyone sat except the preacher at the front of the church, and the couple and best man and maid of honor who faced him. There was a prayer for all. The preacher said something in front of the couple. He handed them rings. They held hands and turned to look at one another. The husband said his vows, then the wife said hers. They put their rings on. The child of the couple was baptized then. This baby, Lupe, was wrapped in masi. A woman brought her to the groom to hold. When the baby cried they took her out of the masi. The maid of honor and the best man sat in chairs while the husband and wife remained standing. Each of them had to repeat something after the preacher. The preacher held the baby then. He dipped his hand in a glass of water and touched the baby's head and kissed her. He gave her back to her mother then. All prayed. The bride and groom sat in chairs then while the preacher spoke. The choir sang after this long speech. The preacher spoke again and the choir sang as all left the church. The bride, groom, and the rest of the wedding party left the church first. People shook their hands as they left the building.

The minister talked to the young couple about how they should act after marriage during the sermon. Since the couple received lessons on how to act, it is obvious to them and to the audience that they are entering a stage of life which is new to them. The following is a translation of the preacher's sermon during the marriage and baptismal (this is not a direct translation):

We must think about marriage. Is it really true that you want to be married? A boy and a girl must help each other when forming a family; make good decisions. They must teach their child correctly, teach tradition. Relatives of both sides are sitting here in the church and are witnesses that you are here in front of God. Love each other no matter what. Carry your child in a respectful way - he should be like the disciples. (The changing of vows): Will you love and protect her? [...the same to the bride.] Will you leave all those young men and take only Jone? [...the same about the bride.] (The couple shook hands meaning they were really married.) When God has planned something, no man can change it. (Blessed them.) (Prayer): Please God help them because they are forming a family which is new and it will be difficult because they are still young. It is not easy but very hard. When husband and wife marry they separate. The man will sit at the back of the bus and the woman in the front. They no longer talk. They do not go around together all the time anymore like they used to when dating. It should not be this way; they should talk.

The preacher addressed the couple yet also pointed out the community of witnesses at the wedding. He was impressing the new status upon both the young couple and the audience. He announced the requirements of the new roles as husband and wife as well, they must care for each other, teach their child in a respectful, way according to tradition, etc. This new set of regulations implies that the bride and groom no longer occupy their former social roles. They have new roles and they must alter the way they act to fit into these new positions.

The baptism of the couple's child also demonstrates a change of position for the parents. They now have a child and must act as parents rather than single individuals with no responsibilities. They must be a team. Again this is a ritual which emphasizes to the individuals and community involved that people are leaving their old status and moving onto a new one. The preacher noted that the couple must act in the proper way to bring up a child and also noted that there was an audience, in front of which, these parents are made their vows. A translation of the baptism follows:

Lupe Ramasiloa is the name of the baby. It has been written in the Bible that we have to baptize this child. We have to baptize two times in life, now when she is small. Then when she is bigger, we have to baptize the whole body, [when she is a teenager]. Her sin will be washed away. (Pouring of the water.) You parents have to teach your child properly. Show her the right way to go spiritually. She'll have to go to Sunday school. (He asked the parents if they were going to bring her up in a Christian manner.) You are making your vows in front of the Lord and everyone. (He asked the audience if they witness the baptism of this baby.) (Pray, bless baby.) If you are going to attend church then Lupe will see how to behave and try to follow your ways.

(To the groom): It doesn't mean that you came today and say you love her and then will neglect her when tomorrow comes. You have to see your differences and make up what is wrong so that your children will see the right thing. It is not that easy. It is not like you want to wear a coat and then put it away.

(To both): It means you have to love each other forever, until death, in sickness, in poor condition, whatever. You have to be truthful to God. (Said in English): You are making a covenant with God. (In Fijian): If you destroy this, you are sinning against God. When you are being baptized it is true that your sin will be washed away and you will be born again. This doesn't mean that you are truly dedicated to God though. You have to keep trying, you will face temptations. Sometimes women say their children need not go to church because it is for adults. But we don't know the real situation between children and God. When children grow up they tend to commit crimes. The parents are to blame. They have to show a good example. The way people grow up signifies their family background. People will look down on parents when kids commit crime. When a child is still young you should teach it not to shame its parents.

The wedding ceremony and baptismal in the church informed the individuals and their community that they were moving out of their old social roles and into new roles. They are now married parents. There are new responsibilities with these roles as the preacher pointed out to the couple and to the church audience.

Another part of the wedding ritual which emphasized the changing of social roles was the tabua presentations. There were various presentations of tabua, or whale's teeth throughout the day. When we came back to the groom's house from the church the first tabua presentation of the day occurred. The exchange of the tabua and changing of clothes which accompanied this symbolized transition. Just as the best man removed his masi and gave one tabua to Nei Vinaina, the bride's aunt (her father's sister), so the bride and groom are removing their old social status. The best man also gave the masi he was wearing to the women of the bride's family. The women gave him fabric and presented him with a different tabua. The parties received new items in exchange for the old as the bride and groom received a new status on their wedding day. This ritual also symbolizes the forging of a link between the two groups.

Later in the wedding ceremony, women from the groom's family piled gifts which they had brought for the married couple and the bride's family. The reverend, representing the groom's family, presented a tabua to Masi, the head of the Nasaba mataqali (the bride's father's mataqali). The reverend made a speech while doing this. He closed this with "Edina...Ama dua...dua...dua." and all clapped their hands. The reverend had mentioned that the tabua was in honor of the Tui Navatu. Masi then presented a tabua back to the reverend.

The reverend immediately presented another tabua after the women picked up the gifts laid out by the groom's family Again, this exchange symbolizes the exchange of social roles. With the tabua, the reverend said that the bride's family had given them food from the lovo and that the groom's family was going to give food from their lovo back. Masi presented a tabua back then. A spokesman for the groom's family then invited all of the guests to eat.

After eating and resting for some time, Seruwaia's mother's uncle (the bride's grandfather), from Vanua Levu, presented a tabua to the groom's family. This signified that the father was leaving her here forever. The speech which the grandfather made clearly informed the community that Seruwaia had left her former status as a daughter in her father's mataqali and moved into her new status as a wife in her husband's mataqali. He said that she can't cry to her father or mother any longer. She belongs to the husband and the husband's family now. Her problems are your (to the groom's family) problems. If she wants to eat, you give her food. He was speaking very forcefully during this, on the border of yelling. Because we are giving her to you, you must think of us.

The new father-in-law (the groom's father) took the whale's tooth with a speech. He said that they will be thinking of her mataqali. If she cries or wants to eat, we will be here to help her, just like at her father's place. Then the same spokesman for the groom's family gave a speech. He said that this is a family gathering. They all hope that she will not cry or want to eat (this means go hungry). They will all be gathered around her. The speeches emphasized that the bride left her old social role by suggesting the possibility that she be lonely or hungry. She was accepted into a new place in society as the groom's family vowed to make her comfortable and part of their family.

After a presentation of gifts to the mother-in-laws, the groom's family presented a tabua back to the bride's mother's family (who had presented the last tabua). This final tabua presentation was the vakatale, thanking guests for coming and thanking them for going back home. Nayacakalou, in Tradition and Change in the Fijian Village, called this "that with which to send the bride's party back to their village" (Nayacakalou 1978:39). This noted finally that the bride is now a member of her husband's mataqali. She did not return to her former home, her father's home, with her mother and father's family. She stayed at her husband's family's home with her husband. She achieved a new social status through the wedding ritual.

As one examines the role of gifts in the wedding ritual, it is again apparent that a woman's social role changes when she marries. Women from her father's and mother's mataqali collect gifts to bring to the wedding. Not all of these are given to the bride and groom. But by the end of the ceremony, the new wife has her own supply of mats to contribute to her husband's mataqali functions. She must participate in these events. As a single woman she was not required to do this. This new stock of mats symbolizes the new status which the woman has achieved therefore. It also notes how bound her new status is to the entire community. Fijian life is very communal. A married woman is an extension of that community and must take part in community functions in her new role.

While supplying the bride with her own starter set of mats, the exchange of goods between women of different families also works to maintain good social relations between those families. At the wedding I attended, women from Seruwaia's father's family (the group of women I was with) and from her mother's family brought gifts These presents from both sources were combined and then divided into three piles. These three piles were for the bride and groom, the groom's mataqali (and his mother's mataqali), and the groom's mother. At the groom's house, the women from his father's family and mother's family had also accumulated gifts. They too divided this quantity into three bunches, one for the couple, one for the bride's mother's and father's mataqali, and one for the bride's mother. The exchange of gifts at the groom's house is called the tevutevu. The result of the tevutevu, as previously noted on the section in this chapter entitled Marriage, is that the husband's family's home forever remains open to the wife's family. Her mother's and father's families are welcomed into her husband's family. Thus, the exchange of goods reaffirms relations which might otherwise be threatened by the couple's change of status. The bride's family is not cut off from the bride's life therefore. It remains an important part of her life, and she will be expected to contribute gifts to her mataqali functions.

As the wedding ritual marks a bride's change of status from a member of her father's family to a part of her husband's family, it impresses that she now has a larger role in the community. She, with her supply of mats, must contribute to her husband's mataqali functions. She also however, as an extension of the community, keeps good relations between different parts of that community, just as the women who contributed gifts for her wedding did this between the different families. Ravuvu writes,

Marriage between individuals of two groups which had no traditionally defined social and economic relationships was rare...for marriage was not just a union of two individuals, it was also the 'marriage' of the two groups, who thereby became socially and economically related to one another. This concept still applies today. Inter-marrying groups refer to and address one another with appropriate kinship terms and behave accordingly for they are all, for some purposes, considered as one people. (Ravuvu 1983:45)

Food, tabua and gift exchanges all foster good relations between different family groups. They benefit relations between the bride's and groom's family. They benefit also relations between the bride's father's mataqali and the bride's mother's mataqali, as they all attend and jointly contribute gifts (the same is true for the groom's family).

The Friday night before we went to Nadi, many women of the Nasaba mataqali (the bride's father's mataqali) or from the village of Narewa were inside my house taking stock of the gifts each had brought. The women either made the mats they brought or else they already had them in their homes. The other gifts were purchased from stores. My nana made a table in a notebook to keep track of the things people brought. I recorded this the next morning (All names are as recorded in the notebook; parentheses after a name indicate where that person (or mataqali in one instance) is from. I have indicated how that person is related to the bride as well.

1. Taraivini Ranadi brought one tutuvi (wool blanket) and one lokoloko (pillow): FF"B"W *

2. Tubui Tarai brought two delana (bed mats) and one lokoloko (pillow): FMBD

3. Mere = Tinai Lisi brought one tutuvi (wool blanket): FFBDD

4. Tinai Rapeka brought two lokoloko (pillows): FF"B"W

5. Tubui Iso brought one delana (bed mat), one tutuvi (wool blanket), and one lokoloko (pillow): FFBD

6. Mereadani (Vunitogoloa) brought two tutuvi (wool blankets): FF"B"SW

7. Yavusa Tabua (Narewa) contributed one delana (bed mat) and four lokoloko (pillows): These women came since the bride's father's mataqali is from Narewa. Yavusa Tabua is the name of another mataqali in Narewa.

8. Rejeli brought one delana (bed mat): F"B"D

9. Tila brought one coco (big floor mat), one delana (bed mat), two lokoloko (pillows) and one taunamu (mosquito net): FBW

10. Naqova (Bui Jo) contributed one delana (bed mat), one tutuvi (wool blanket), four lokoloko (pillows), one taunamu (mosquito net) and one vakabati (small bed mat): FFBSD

11. Radini Talatala (Narewa) contributed one delana (bed mat): She is the wife of the Talatala, or reverend, in Narewa. She contributed because she lives in Narewa.

12. Vani (Moi) brought one coco (big floor mat), one delana (bed mat) and one vakabati (small bed mat): FBW

13. Mualele brought one coco (big floor mat) and one vakabati (small bed mat): MBW

14. Ema brought three taunamu (mosquito nets): FBSW

15. Tinai Ava = Bulou (Rakiraki) brought one tutuvi (wool blanket) and four lokoloko (pillows): F"Z"D

16. Beti brought one tutuvi (wool blanket); F"Z"D

17. Timoci Vunisa brought one delana (bed mat): FZS

18. Neni (my nana) brought one coco (big floor mat) and one latilati (set of curtains): FBW

19. Lewaseni brought one tutuvi (wool blanket): FF"B"D

20. Variseva brought one delana (bed mat): FMB(S or D)D

21. Naio brought one tutuvi (wool blanket) and two lokoloko (pillows): B

22. Lolo (Tavua) brought one tutuvi (wool blanket) and three lokoloko (pillows): F"Z"D

23. Nei (Lovo), brought one delana (bed mat), one tutuvi (wool blanket), four lokoloko (pillows), one taunamu (mosquito net) and one vakabati (small bed mat): FZ

24. Nei (Barotu) brought one coco (big floor mat), one tutuvi (wool blanket) and three lokoloko (pillows): FMBD

25. Nei Kini (Rakiraki), brought one delana (bed mat), one siti (cotton blanket), two lokoloko (pillows) and one taunamu (mosquito net): FZ

26. Elenoa brought one delana (bed mat): FZD

* In this list, and throughout this ethnography, I designate a classificatory relationship by putting the relation in quotes (" "). Hence FF"B"W should read: "father's father's classificatory brother's wife".

The Nasaba mataqali from Narewa (the mataqali of the bride's father) also brought two pieces of masi. They brought this for the bride to wear during the wedding. They received this masi from a funeral exchange/redistribution. When a mataqali has some masi, they hold onto it for a wedding; it is an essential component of the ceremony. The bride's mother's family also brought masi for the bride to wear when they arrived. The combination of the masi from the father's and mother's side to make the bride's dress symbolizes the joining of these families.

The following explanation of the combination of the gifts from the mother's side of the family and the father's side of the family also indicates cooperation and support from each side. This sends a message to the bride. Her mother's family is still a supportive half of her entire family, even though she does not belong to their mataqali. The bride is leaving one mataqali to live with another. The demonstration of continued nurturing from the mother's side of the family to the bride indicates that her family (both her mother's and father's mataqali) will still support her after she is married and living elsewhere.

When we arrived at Tata Lailai's, the bride's father's house, the women of his mataqali piled up mats, pillows, blankets, and mosquito nets on a mat underneath a shelter that had been put together outside of the house. Later in the morning, the bride's mother's family brought their gifts. They first piled theirs away from the gifts from the father's side of the family. The mother's side of the bride's family also brought bedspreads in addition to the kinds of things that the father's side brought. In the afternoon, before going to the groom's house, they combined all of the gifts, from the mother's and father's sides, into one pile. My nana told me that she was putting all of the gifts from everyone together and then divided the sum into three (as already described). Some of the mats would be used in the church service, for the bride and groom to stand on.

My nana told me that the bride and groom should get a lot of these gifts, more than the mother-in-laws or the mataqali. The family proves it will support this new couple then. The mataqali members receive back gifts and food in exchange for the goods they brought. Since they keep track in the notebook, the mataqali knows who gets what things to take back. One informant told me that the mother's side of the family will receive back meat and maybe some tinned fish as well as mats. If a woman gives, for example, three pillows and one blanket, she might get one ibe, mat, back. Emi told me that this exchange is based upon value, that is why people keep track and know how much people spent. They will not get the same things back but will get something of similar monetary value. The mother-in-laws also receive gifts. This is in exchange for the large amount of money that bride's and groom's parents spent on the wedding, buying the pig, etc. The bride and groom however, do not spend money or give gifts for the wedding at all. They receive presents without giving anything in exchange.

The exchange between families is the tevutevu. When we arrived at the groom's house, his family had already set up their display of gifts. As we entered the house compound, to our right, immediately after the entrance, was a display of gifts. Masi and patterned fabric hung from the ceiling. There were mats and masi piled up on the floor. There were mosquito nets hanging from the roof (a tarp over the whole shelter).

After lunch at Tata Lailai's (the bride's father's) house, women had piled all of the gifts into a truck. Men had driven these to the groom's house then. When we arrived from the bus at the groom's house, the women began arranging all of the gifts so that they were displayed in a similar way to the groom's mataqali's gifts. The gifts from the mother's and father's side of the bride's family were intermingled. The women hung the mosquito nets up. They piled the mats on the floor and arranged the pillows and blankets along the outer edge of the shelter. The initial separation of the gifts from the groom's family and from the bride's family is symbolic of the separation of the two families. They are not tied together in any way before the marriage. After the marriage, after the tevutevu, the families "are all, for some purposes, considered as one people" (Ravuvu 1983:45).

After the church ceremony, one of the women from the bridegroom's mataqali took one of the masi off the best man. (This coincided with the presentation of the tabua to the bride's nei.) They gave this masi to the bride's mataqali and refastened the other masi that the best man was wearing back onto his body. The bride's mataqali also gave him a piece of fabric which was then wrapped around him Soon the bride and maid of honor emerged from the house with the bride's new mother-in-law. They came over to the side of the bride's family where she changed her clothes. Women held the masi up around her as a makeshift closet. They also kept this masi.

After the women from the groom's side handed fabric down a line, singing and piling fabric in front of the bride, these women started to separate the gifts they had arranged. The gifts which the bride and groom would keep remained where the things were originally displayed. The women made a large pile between where they had been sitting and where the women from the bride's side sat. This pile was either for the mother or for the mataqali, "they will tell us," my nana explained. The women of the groom's family performed funny dances. One of them fell into the big pile of presents. Another of the women laid down on a mat as they were trying to carry it to the pile; they carried her in it then. A woman from the bride's father's mataqali, Bulou from Rakiraki, got up and started dancing with these women from the groom's side. This joking represents the familiar relationship which the two families should have after the marriage and tying of the families together is finished.

The pile of gifts was for the women of the bride's family. After the tabua presentations in which the reverend, representing the groom's side, presented to Masi, the Turaga ni mataqali (head of the Nasaba mataqali), and Masi presented back to the reverend, the women went for the pile. They took things from the pile and arranged them near their seats.

Before the final tabua presentation came the presentation of gifts to the mother-in-laws. The mother of the bride received her pile first. Then the head of the bride's father's mataqali, Masi, spoke and the women collected and gave gifts to the mother of the groom.

After leaving the groom's home and returning to Tata Lailai's house in the evening, the women divided the mataqali gifts back up. The women also divided the lovo food up for guests to take home. This was the lovo food from the groom's house. The bride's family had brought the food from their lovo to the groom's house, so the groom's family had to give one back.

This food and gift exchange symbolizes the change in social roles. The bride moved from one family to another just as the gifts did. It also impresses certain aspects of Fijian culture onto the bride and groom. Since they now have a supply of mats for their family, they make take on the responsibilities they now have toward the community. They must contribute these goods as they are part of a community. The Fijian system of giving and sharing was impressed upon them when they received these goods and they will have to take part in the community in order to show such giving in return.

The communal nature of Fijian rituals and the expression that an individual is an extension of a community is also evident as such rituals take place in a public forum. The wedding and celebration of the wedding is a mataqali affair, largely not involving the bride. This ritual is much for the benefit of the community then, rather than just the individual. This impresses upon individuals in the community that their lives are much a communal, rather than individual, affair.

When we arrived at Tata Lailai's house in Waimilika, there were shelters made in the yard next to the house. These consisted of mats on the ground and tarps, held up by poles, overhead. The women immediately began to prepare the tea and bread. The men had a sevusevu and started drinking yaqona. Men were cutting up food for the lovo, sitting in a circle near the lovo site. Younger men were cutting banana leaves off the trees to use in the earth oven. After eating breakfast, the men moved to a separate mat outside of (where they had been). They continued drinking kava there. The women piled up mats, pillows, blankets, and mosquito nets on a mat under the shelter. Other women were cutting up pumpkin and preparing other foods. Soon the men started cleaning and cutting up a pig in preparation for the lovo. The bride's parents bought this pig. During this time, the bride was inside the house tending to her daughter or relaxing. She was not present outside at all during the day.

The bride also had a passive role in her preparation for the wedding. It is the duty of the mother's family to get the bride ready for the wedding. They must put coconut oil on her body to make it shiny. They have to put lasi in her hair. This is a yellow powder made from ground up coral. The bride wore a tabua because she is the eldest child. Women ironed the masi that the bride wore. The bride and maid of honor (as well as the groom and best man) wore a kind of necklace called a salusalu. This was made from a flower called sisi. The bride took no part in the family festivities prior to going to the groom's house nor did she have to actively get herself ready for the ceremony. This demonstrates how community-oriented this ceremony is.

Also, the bride was not present for much of the ceremony outside of the groom's house throughout the day. When we arrived there for the tevutevu, the women from the groom's family were singing. These songs from Lau are called polotu; the groom's mataqali is originally from the Lau Islands. They stopped singing after a couple of songs. There was a shelter of mats on the floor and tin held up by poles for a roof. The women of the groom's family had already set up a display of their contributions to the wedding. The women and men at this house were separated from one another. The women were sitting next to their showroom of gifts. The men were centered in front of the house; they were in a circle drinking grog. The men in our party joined the kava circle. The women camped across from the women of the groom's family. The groom and his best man were dressed in their wedding attire. The best man had masi wrapped around him. The groom had mats with sisi wrapped around him. He and the best man also had salusalu. Emi told me that only the groom's brother or cousin may be the best man and only the bride's sister or cousin can be her maid of honor. All of the wedding guests waited for the bride to arrive then. Next to the entrance of the house compound sat the groom's father and the Turaga ni mataqali (head of the bride's father's mataqali). (The bride's father was with her.) When the bride arrived she stayed in the street and the groom walked down to meet her. The wedding guests crowded around them. The procession to the church started then, down the street.

The bride was not present for the tabua presentations throughout the day. She was inside the groom's house most of the time. After we came back from the church and the first tabua had been exchanged, and after the bride and maid of honor had changed their clothes, the bride and her mother put on masi. The groom and his mother also put on masi. The two mothers sat on the floor and the groom sat on his mother's lap and the bride on her mother's. The reverend said the masu (prayer) before the meal. Three women came out of the house. They each gave the groom and then the bride one bite of food. This is Lau style.

After this, the groom sat on a chair in the corner. The mothers moved and the bride remained on the floor. Women from the groom's family brought out fabric to the bride then. The women stood in a line from the door of the house to where the bride sat. They passed along the length of this fabric down the line until there was a large pile of fabric in front of the bride. Then it was announced that we could go eat.

These and the church service were the only times that the bride and groom were the focus of attention. The rest of the day was focused upon exchanges between families, the giving and sharing of their culture. The ritual then emphasized that a wedding is a joining of two communities into one community. The individuals are the points of connection for these different families. Individuals move from one social role to another, from one community to another. But the communities involved demonstrate, through exchange, that they remain attached to the individual because they are attached to his/her new community.

The sevusevu demonstrates that ceremonies focus on the community (or leader of the community) rather than on the individual for whom the rite is held. A sevusevu recognizes the authority of a high chief. The reverend representing the groom's family at the wedding said that the tabua was presented in honor of the Tui Navatu. This is the high chief of Narewa and of the Navatu Yavusa to which the Nasaba mataqali (the bride's father's mataqali) belongs. It is proper to begin the sevusevu with a reference to this head of the community. During formal sevusevu, high-ranking persons always drink before those of lower rank even if the sevusevu is for one of the lower-ranking people. The event of the sevusevu must take place through the authority of the high officials. This keeps village or community relations in accordance with traditional rules. This is the ultimate example that an individual is primarily part of his/her community. An individual that exists independent of the Fijian community cannot belong to that community. The conclusion of the sevusevu is the "Ama dua...dua...dua" chant. This calls for the unquestioned authority of the chief. The head of the community thus has total control over that community. And the community has control over the individual.

On to Chapter 5...